DA will stand up to Eskom onslaught

The DA notes the media release by Eskom today signalling their intent to claim damages from the DA for defamation and wrongful actions against Eskom and the Group Chief Executive, Matshela Koko.
We have already filed our intention to defend this action and look forward to the opportunity to do so.  The fact that Mr Koko is seeking R20 million from the DA is laughable.
The DA will not be intimidated and will not back down.
This court action will no doubt be funded by the South African taxpayer and therefore the DA will also be submitting parliamentary questions to expose how much this litigation will cost.
Yet again the state is using public funds to defend the elite.
The DA is of the belief that the comments Mr Koko refers to, were fair and made in relation to the Dentons report which is publically acknowledged to allegedly contain damning information on widespread corruption within the State-owned Entity (SOE).
The DA has tried to access the full, uncensored version of the report and have submitted an application in terms of the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA) to gain access to the report by Dentons into Eskom. Yet, to date, only redacted versions have been released.
The report cost South Africans R27 million and we all deserve to know what the uncensored version contains.
It is hoped that during this process, the full report, will be released.

We need a super committee on inclusive economic growth in Parliament

Note to editors: The following speech was delivered in Parliament today by the DA’s Shadow Minister of Finance, David Maynier MP, during the debate on the Fiscal Framework 2017.
1. Introduction
Two weeks ago, the Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan, tabled the main budget in this Parliament with both hands tied behind his back and with very little political space, fiscal space and policy space to give hope to the 8.9 million people who do not have jobs, or have given up looking for jobs, and who live without dignity, independence and freedom in South Africa.
2. Main Budget 2017
The minister tabled the fiscal framework, outlining government’s revenue, spending and borrowing projections over the medium term, which envisages economic growth recovering to 2.2%; revenue of R1.66 trillion, or 30.1% of GDP; expenditure of R1.81 trillion, or 32.7% of GDP; and most importantly a budget deficit of R145.8 billion, or -2.6% of GDP, by 2019/20.
2.1 “Fiscal Target”
Whatever the case the central fiscal policy objective of government is to stabilize net loan debt, which is projected to reach R2.67 trillion, or 48.1% of GDP, in 2019/20.
To illustrate the magnitude of net loan debt, consider the fact that a net loan debt of R2.67 trillion is the equivalent of:
• a debt of R47 000 per person in South Africa; or
• a debt of R6.68 billion per Member of Parliament.
Because of the “debt mountain”, debt service costs are now the fastest growing expenditure item on the budget and are projected to reach R197.3 billion in 2019/20.
To illustrate the magnitude of debt service costs, consider that in three years’ time we will spend more on debt service costs than we will spend this year on:
• on Health (R170.8 billion); or
• on Defence, Police and Justice (R190.03 billion); or
• on Higher Education (R68.95 billion); or
• on Social Protection (R164.93 billion).
However, the fact is government has a “slow bleed” and simply cannot seem to stabilize net loan debt.
We were told that in Main Budget 2016 net loan debt was going to stabilize at R2.19 trillion in 2017/18, or at 46.2% of GDP.
Then we were told in Medium Term Budget 2016 that net loan debt was going to stabilize at R2.63 trillion in 2019/20, or at 47.9% of GDP.
And now we are told in Main Budget 2017 that net loan debt is going to stabilize at 48.2% of GDP, in 2020/21.
And that is why we propose that government consider implementing a debt-ceiling in South Africa.
2.2 “Slow Bleed”
The “root cause” of the “slow bleed” is stagnant economic growth, which is projected to average 1.83% between 2017 and 2019, and which is below what is required to stabilize our public finances.
Economic Growth: The economic growth projection is 1.3% for 2017, up from 0.3% in 2016, due to a moderate recovery, though it is insufficient to reduce unemployment.
Revenue: However, the moderate economic recovery is not only insufficient to reduce unemployment, it is also insufficient to generate the required revenue, because to borrow a phrase from former Minister of Finance, Nhlanhla Nene, “without economic growth, revenue will not increase. Without revenue growth, expenditure cannot increase”.
The minister penciled in revenue of R1.41 trillion, or 29.8% of GDP, for 2017/18. However, because of lower-than-expected revenue collection, due to stagnant economic growth, and poor tax administration, the minister was forced to announce tax proposals to raise an additional R28 billion in 2017/18.
What the minister chose to emphasize was the formation of a new “super tax bracket”, for personal income tax payers with a taxable income of more than R1.5 million, to be taxed at a new marginal tax rate of 45%, to raise an additional R4.4 billion in 2017/18.
However, what the minister chose not to emphasize was that:
• an additional R12.1 billion would be raised from all personal income tax payers as a result of limited relief for fiscal drag; and
• that an additional R3.2 billion would be raised from the general fuel levy in 2017/18.
What this means is that whether you are rich, and taxed directly, or whether you are poor, and taxed indirectly, the minister will reach into your pocket and help himself to the R28 billion, required to plug the fiscal hole in 2017/18.
That is why it is a pity that government seems to have abandoned the sale of non-strategic assets to raise revenue.
The former minister began a process of selling non-strategic assets, and made a good start by selling government’s stake in Vodacom, which raised R25.4 billion in revenue in 2015/16.
The fact is that substantial revenue could be raised by disposing of non-strategic assets, including the sale of government’s stake in Telkom, which could raise about R14.7 billion.
And that is why we propose that government considers selling non-strategic assets to raise revenue that could, for example, be “ring fenced” to fund infrastructure expenditure.
Expenditure: The minister pencilled in expenditure of R1.56 trillion, or 33.0% of GDP, for 2017/18.
However, because of lower-than-expected revenue the minister announced that the expenditure ceiling would be lowered by R10.2 billion and expenditure of R16.9 billion would be reallocated in 2017/18.
We welcome the R151 billion that will be spent on social grants and the R77.5 billion that will be spent on higher education.
However, new spending pressures loom in the form of the public sector wage bill, which will consume R550.3 billion in 2017/18, and irregular expenditure has skyrocketed, reaching an all-time high of R46 billion in 2015/16.
The Minister of Mineral Resources, Mose(wabenzi) Zwane, became a powerful symbol of the let-them-eat-cake style wasteful expenditure, when days before the budget was presented, it was revealed that he had purchased a new Mercedes Benz E400, at the cost of R1.35 million, in violation of cost containment measures implemented by National Treasury.
We have to get on top of reducing expenditure, but the minister employs a fragmented arsenal of “fiscal tools” to contain spending, including an expenditure ceiling, cost containment measures, procurement reform, and performance and expenditure reviews.
We need to do things differently and implement a Comprehensive Spending Review that would require National Treasury, working together with national departments, provinces, municipalities and state-owned entities, to review the composition of spending, the efficiency of spending, and future spending priorities with a view to reprioritizing expenditure in the medium term between 2017/18 and 2019/20.
And that is why we propose that government considers implementing a Comprehensive Spending Review which has proved successful in Australia (Comprehensive Spending Review 2010), Canada (Strategic Operating Review 2011) and the United Kingdom (Comprehensive Spending Review 2010).
2.2.4 Borrowing: There has been considerable “fiscal slippage” with the fiscal deficit of R149 billion, or 3.1% of GDP, being pushed up by R1.9 billion; and net loan debt of R2.22 trillion, or 47% of GDP, being pushed up by 17.1 billion, in 2017/18.
3. Conclusion
However, in the end the “root cause” of the “slow bleed” and the fact that government is unable to achieve the central fiscal objective and stabilize net loan debt is that private sector investment has collapsed in South Africa.
Who would invest:
• when President Jacob Zuma, ditches his own policy of “inclusive economic growth”, set out in the National Development Plan, and inspired by Trevor Manual, in favour of “radical economic transformation”, inspired by the likes of Hugo Chavez;
• when you have an aspirant Deputy-Minister of Finance, Sifiso Buthelezi, who seems to believe that corporate income tax should be increased to punish the private sector for not investing in South Africa; and
• when you have another aspirant Deputy Minister of Finance, Brian Molefe, who is committed to destroying the private sector, or what he calls, the “monstrous beast” in South Africa.
We cannot stop the “madness”. But we can start doing our jobs.
And that is why will propose that parliament establishes an ad hoc multi-party committee to provide scrutiny and oversight of the implementation of the structural reforms necessary to boost economic growth and create jobs in South Africa.
Because a multiparty ad hoc committee holding governments feet to the fire on the implementation of structural reforms to boost economic growth and create jobs will give hope to the “lost generation”, which includes millions of young people, who do not have jobs, or have given up looking for jobs, in South Africa.
When we look back the minister did not apportion blame for government’s failures, but what he did do was apportion the burden for government’s failures, in the form of a R28 billion tax hike in 2017/18.
The fact is that last year the minister reached into your left pockets and helped himself to R18 billion, and this year the minister reached into your right pockets and helped himself to R28 billion.
And that is all because President Jacob Zuma, and his cronies inside, and outside the ruling party, are reaching into your back pockets and are helping themselves to billions of rands.
That is why, unless the corruption and waste stops in this country, it is not going to be long before people say, “we are prepared to pay our fair share, but this far and no further” and we have a “tax revolt” on our hands in South Africa.

Dismissal of PRASA Board does not let Peters off the hook

Today, in the Portfolio Committee on Transport (PC), it was revealed that the Board of PRASA was dissolved by the Minister of Transport, Dipou Peters.
The DA supports the decision, but it is too little, too late and should not absolve Peters from accountability for the mess that the entity is in.
PRASA is currently under investigation for over a billion rand in the current financial year in irregular payments.
The announcement of the dissolution of the board came at the same time that the PC decided to launch an inquiry into the gross mismanagement at PRASA.
While the DA welcomes the decision by the PC to launch an inquiry into the governance challenges at PRASA, the DA is suspicious of the timing of the dissolution of the Board.
This would not be the first time that Minister Peters has asserted her power unilaterally over state-owned enterprises, and we believe that this move is an attempt by the Minister to escape accountability.
The presentations made to the PC in the past two days has made it abundantly clear that the Minister is not innocent in the disastrous state of affairs at PRASA. The DA will not sit by as yet another Minister attempts to evade accountability.
The DA remains resolute that the mess at PRASA needs to be resolved and that the Minister accounts for her role the crisis.
The massive amounts of wasteful expenditure at SOE’s could be used for funding the education of the lost generation, but because of mismanagement these funds end up in the hands of a corrupt and elite few.

ANC absenteeism means more delays on Whistle-blower Bill in the NCOP

For the second time, the ANC has been unable to pass its own legislation in the Select Committee on Security and Justice today due to a lack of quorum.
The approval of the Protected Disclosures Amendment Bill was postponed from 23 February 2017 to today, purely because the ANC did not have the required quorum of 6 members present to pass the Bill.
Today, when it became clear that the ANC would again have no quorum, the item was again removed from the agenda of the meeting without any reasons given.
The DA objects to section 9B of the Bill on the grounds that it may serve as a deterrent for possible whistle-blowers in the future. This view is shared by organisations such as Whistle-blowers International, Corruption Watch and Open Democracy.
It is the duty of the opposition to ensure that possibly problematic provisions in proposed legislation do not get passed, not to pass such legislation on behalf of the government.
The inability of the ANC to reach a quorum to pass their own legislation is a clear indication that they have lost the will to govern and no longer respect the parliamentary process.

R136 million spent in one year on 69 suspended employees

A reply to a DA parliamentary question has revealed that there are 69 employees of national and provincial departments who have been placed on suspension for more than six months, pending disciplinary action, at a cost R136.5 million since 1 April 2016.
The R136.5 million total cost on the precautionary suspensions is made up of R24 million in national departments and R112.5 million in provincial departments.
The DA will be submitting further parliamentary questions to find out exactly why it has taken so long to conclude disciplinary action.
Of the 69 employees currently on suspension, 45 are from national departments and 24 from provincial departments.
Alarmingly, 4 of the provincial employees have been suspended for more than a year and 5 for more than two years.
It is astounding that so much money has been paid in salaries because the respective departments have failed to efficiently conclude disciplinary action.
This money should be spent on skills development or internship programmes within these departments for the millions of young people who are currently without work and who have been abandoned by the ANC government.

Social grants crisis: Dlamini fails to answer 93% of questions

Social Development Minister, Bathabile Dlamini, has become a master of dodging accountability. The Minister has failed to answer an astounding 93% of parliamentary questions, submitted by the DA, relating directly to the South Africa Social Security Agency (SASSA) and the social grant crisis, since we began to raise the alarm about the impending crisis in mid-2016.
This is yet another clear indication of the Minister’s reign of impunity and how she continuously dodges any opportunity to account for her department’s failure to ensure that 17 million South Africans continue to receive their grants when the current invalid CPS contract ends on 31 March 2017.
In 2016, the DA submitted 15 questions and Dlamini saw fit to only answer two. This year, the DA submitted 13 questions and not one of them has been answered. A full list of the questions submitted can be found here.
The DA will be writing to the Deputy President, Cyril Ramaphosa, to get an update on when these questions will be answered.
Parliamentary questions are vital component of accountability in Parliament and provide the opposition with the opportunity to ensure that the Executive conduct themselves in a transparent manner.
Some of the questions we submitted included:

  • Whether she submitted the proposed payment model for the takeover of the payments of grants by SASSA to the National Treasury for analysis and evaluation;
  • Whether SASSA intends to extend its contract for the distribution of grants with Net1/CPS before the specified contract concludes on 31 March 2017; and
  • What are the details of the various work stream categories set up by her department to action the transition of the distribution of social grants from Net1/CPS to SASSA.

The Minister’s failure to answer these questions is highly problematic, as it indicates that she has once again violated her oath of office by not performing her functions to the best of her ability.
The DA is of the belief that Dlamini is no longer fit to hold office and have repeatedly called for President Zuma to fire her. His silence on this matter is deafening and serves to confirm that the ANC rewards failure.
The DA has approached the Constitutional Court specifically seeking a declaration that Dlamini has violated her oath of office by failing to perform the functions of her office with honour, dignity and to the best of her ability. We are also seeking a declaratory order confirming that Dlamini and SASSA have violated their duties in terms of Sections 165 (4) and (5) and Section 195 of the Constitution.
The DA will not allow for the Minister to dodge accountability any longer, that is why we will march in our thousands on Friday, 10 March 2017, to the Department of Social Development to send a clear message to the Minister that poor South Africans will no longer be treated in this disgraceful manner.

DA calls for IPID to investigate alleged SAPS involvement in OR Tambo heist

The DA will write to the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) to request that it conducts a thorough investigation into whether or not South African Police Services (SAPS) members or assets were involved in the heist at OR Tambo International Airport last night.
The DA will also submit parliamentary questions to find out how many SAPS vehicles and firearms have been found to have been used for criminal activity, as well as how many SAPS members have been found guilty of criminal offences.
Furthermore, the DA will also be submitting questions to the Ministers of Police and Transport to determine the state of security at our country’s airports.
Last night, an astounding R24 million was reportedly stolen from a South African Airways plane at the OR Tambo International Airport by people who approached the plane in a marked police vehicle.
The use of a police vehicle in this incident is extremely concerning and could point to the involvement of corrupt cops.
SAPS should be protecting the lives and property of South Africa’s people and we should not be seeing the use of official resources by corrupt cops to enrich themselves.
Earlier this year, Robert McBride, the head of IPID, told members of the Portfolio Committee on Police that the SAPS and the Hawks seem to be involved in a turf war over drugs at OR Tambo.
This was denied by Berning Ntlemeza, the head of the Hawks, at a subsequent portfolio committee meeting.
SAPS officers should be fighting crimes such as armed robbery, not committing them.
We cannot allow South Africa’s airports to become a hotspot for gangs and cartels.
The SAPS need to be beyond reproach and the DA will not rest until South Africans feel safe and secure in public spaces.

ANC’s uncaring mismanagement created dry tinder for xenophobic flare-ups

Note to editors: The following speech was delivered in Parliament today by the DA Shadow Minister of Police, Zakhele Mbhele MP, during the debate on Xenophobia.
The English philosopher John Locke, who laid much of the foundation of modern liberal thought wrote that the primary duty of any government was to ensure the security of the nation and the protection of the rights of its citizens. This is how it would care for the people.
In return for the fulfilment of this duty of the government, the people would reciprocate in this social contract by being law-abiding, which would promote a society of harmonious co-existence.
On many fronts of governance and state delivery, the ANC government has failed in fulfilling its duty, showing that it does not care about the people. Whether in the case of the deprivation of the right to life for the victims of the Esidimeni scandal and the Marikana massacre or putting the comfort of the political elite before caring for the needs of the people through indulgent state spending on cushy cars, luxury hotel accommodation and excessive VIP Protection, the ANC has broken the social contract that underpins the relationship between citizens and the government.
This brokenness is starkly evident, and has been for many years, in the area of border security and policing. It is part of a chronic and endemic pattern of ANC misgovernance: from a broken President and Parliament to a broken SABC and society – the ANC breaks almost everything it touches.
As a result of its misgovernance and mismanagement, the ANC has been creating and piling up the dry tinder that we have seen become kindled into bonfires of unrest and xenophobic violence over the years.
The seeds of these xenophobic flare-ups were sown in the inability of the ANC to create jobs for almost 9 million South Africans and also in the mismanagement and ultimate weakening of border security, creating porous and poorly controlled borders that make illegal in-migration virtually impossible to police and curtail.
The cause and manifestation of this border security mismanagement are well-known: under-resourcing, under-staffing, under-equipping, under-training, incompetent leadership and a failure to enforce accountability.
While the stream of illegal immigration over the years has, on one hand, created the context for violent xenophobic outbreaks, the chronic neglect of the police service has, on the other hand, undermined and hollowed out the state’s capacity to forecast and respond adequately to public unrest when it does break out.
In 2008, 2015 and now 2017, the Criminal Intelligence division of the SAPS seemingly never saw the xenophobic violence coming, even though there always seems to be an organised element to these episodes.
When the violence does erupt, the SAPS response is slow and ineffectual and policing capacity is initially too thin on the ground to contain the violence, enabling it to escalate and spread. The reasons for this shoddy state of readiness are the same familiar ones: under-resourcing, under-staffing, under-equipping, under-training and poor leadership.
The DA will fix our broken border security and police service when we come to lead national government because we care.
We will ensure adequate resourcing, staffing, training and equipping. We will boost the frequency and coverage of border patrolling.
We will fix our broken Crime Intelligence so that it can foresee disturbances before they erupt and we will restore Public Order Policing to adequate strength so that it contain unrest before it escalates and spreads.
We will build a caring government that reconnects with the people through a social contract that all citizens can trust and put their confidence in.
After 23 years of failing delivery and corrupt governance, the ANC has broken the trust that it once enjoyed with the people. The people will soon place that trust in another government that deserves it and truly cares for them.

ANC has failed to uphold human rights

Note to editors: The following speech was delivered in Parliament today by the DA’s Shadow Minister of International Relations and Co-operation, Stevens Mokgalapa MP, during the debate on Xenophobia.
Thank you Madam Speaker,
The Democratic Alliance condemns any act of xenophobia, along with any form of discrimination.
We support South Africa’s role as a continental leader and stakeholder, and believe that legal immigration can contribute to economic growth, skills development and job creation.
We also believe that the problem of foreign nationals residing in South Africa illegally should be addressed, but in a manner that respects the fundamental human rights and dignity of those immigrants.
The African Union’s Agenda 2063 envisions a prosperous Africa with inclusive economic growth and sustainable development. It envisions an integrated continent, a continent that is politically united. It envisions an Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law.
Madam Speaker, our Constitution shares these values and principles. It is stated in the preamble to the Constitution that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. This is an important feature of our Constitution, rightly enshrined in the Bill of Rights.
However, the significant question we have to ask ourselves is this: does the actions of today’s government show that they believe that South Africa truly belongs to all who live in it?
The recent increase of violence against foreign nationals implores us to reflect on this question, and I am afraid that the answer to this question is a resounding NO.
Recent events have clearly shown that South Africa’s foreign relations policy falls short of achieving Afro-optimism and Pan-Africanism.
Our government remains reactive, rather than proactive, in addressing the underlying causes of the growing hostility towards foreigners.
One of the key issues in the hostility towards foreigners is that the ANC government is failing horribly in their mandate to provide jobs for 8.9 million unemployed South Africans and particularly for the lost generation, the millions of young people who have been abandoned by the ANC government.
Madam Speaker, inefficient practices at the Department of Home Affairs is compounding the problem of illegal immigration, as many foreigners wishing to enter the country legally are faced with almost insurmountable bureaucracy.
In many ways, Home Affairs creates illegal immigrants through their own inefficiency. It is also a fact that our borders are too porous, and the government believes that the establishment of a Border Management Authority will solve this problem.
This is yet another example of the ANC trying to legislate their way out of a problem, rather than fixing the existing mechanisms. Not only is the current proposal unconstitutional, it is highly impractical and will only lead to a waste of state funds.
Xenophobia is irrational and immoral and should be rejected by each and every South African. Mutual co-existence and individual legal freedom of movement should be protected as enshrined in our Constitution.
It is worrying that we have a President that only last week said, and I quote, that “we appeal to our people not to allow the actions of a few criminals to turn them against their brothers and sisters who are here legally.”
The President should know that his words carry weight, and that his statement could easily be interpreted as a tactic go –ahead for violent attacks against foreigners who are here illegally. This simply cannot stand.
Madam Speaker, it is becoming increasingly clear that there is a massive gap between what the ANC states their foreign policy should be, and what it actually is. For example, by ignoring a high court order to arrest Sudanese President, Omar al-Bashir, and by unconstitutionally withdrawing from the International Criminal Court (ICC), the ANC government has not supported a human rights based foreign policy.
It is now becoming clear that the ANC also does not respect the promotion of human rights nationally.
As the DA, we implore all South Africans to do what the government has failed to do, and that is show a sense of solidarity to and respect for the dignity of our fellow African brothers and sisters. Xenophobic violence is never acceptable.

DA calls for review of Xenophobia committee recommendations made in 2008 and 2015

Note to editors: The following speech was delivered in Parliament today by the DA Shadow Minister in the Presidency, Sejamothopo Motau MP, during the debate on Xenophobia.
Honourable Members,
There is no doubt in my mind that all the good people of South Africa cherish the promotion of harmonious co-existence and respect for the rights of all persons, including foreign nationals.
This is the case because we want to establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights for all who live in the country.
A country that is peaceful and crime-free.
Sadly, we seem to be failing in our noble national mission. As matters stand, this country seems more divided and violent than at any time since 1994.
Xenophobia, homophobia, racism and religious intolerance, bedevil the social fabric of our nation.
This, despite the fact that that the Presidency is mandated to lead the agenda and discourse on nation building, social cohesion and national identity facilitated through the Moral Regeneration Movement and its charter of positive values.
What positive results can we show for the millions of Rand appropriated for this purpose every year?
The simple answer is: Very little, if anything. Political correctness and expediency seem to be the major culprits responsible for this dismal performance.
Following the recent xenophobic violence in the Tshwane area, DA Leader Mmusi Maimane made the following plea: “The DA strongly condemns xenophobia and xenophobic violence and we urge all South Africans to do the same. The hatred and intolerance towards foreign African nationals that has flared up in areas of Gauteng is morally contemptible and self- defeating.”
To defeat this scourge, we need to get to the root causes of the problem and eradicate them. Political correctness will not get us anywhere, as experience has shown.
While irrationality can be blamed for some xenophobic behaviour, we cannot lose sight of the fact that there are some objective factors that generate resentment among both South Africans and immigrants that serve as triggers for violence.
For instance, there are growing grumblings amongst South Africans in the townships that foreign nationals put severe strain on amenities and services such as public schools, clinics, hospitals and housing. Scrambling for jobs also always comes up as a big factor.
With 9 million jobless and 17 million people on social grants this is hardly surprising.
The very weak economic growth in the country is not helping. The economy needs to grow by at least 5 percent or more a year, as envisaged by the National Development Plan, to create millions of jobs.
Most people who have a job, hardly ever worry about who is in the country.
Let me defer to the DA Leader again: “The DA’s position is that anyone who meets the legal criteria; is prepared to play by the rules of our Constitution, and who seeks a better life for themselves, should be welcome in South Africa.”
These factors – real or imagined – must be confronted head-on and addressed as they will not go away of themselves. We dare not shy away from them.
Following the xenophobic violence in 2008 and 2015, Parliament appointed Ad Hoc Joint Committees to probe the causes of the violence against foreign nationals.
These committees, constituted at some significant cost, completed their assignments and made recommendations to Parliament regarding the actions to be taken to address the scourge.
These recommendations included that:

  • The Department of Home Affairs prioritise issuing foreign nationals with correct documentation, maintain adequate records and root out corruption;
  • That the Portfolio Committees on Safety and Security establish the ability of crime combating units to stem future attacks and for police response to violent situations in general; and
  • That the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development monitor Special Courts progress in processing cases of violence against foreign nationals.

Very little seems to have been done regarding the implementation of these recommendations. As a member of this House who served on the 2015 Ad Hoc Joint Committee, I have no idea as to what has come of the recommendations.
The DA calls on this Parliament to institute an urgent review of the recommendations made in 2008 and 2015; establish which have been implemented and facilitate the implementation of those outstanding – as a matter of urgency.
The DA believes that recent incidents of xenophobic violence and anti-foreigner sentiments are a consequence of the failure of the ANC Government to implement the recommendations set out in the 2008 and 2015 reports – adopted by Parliament – of the Ad Hoc Joint Committees on Probing Violence against Foreign Nationals.
There is no more time to lose. Failure to implement frustrates any effort to promote social cohesion and harmonious co-existence among the people who live in the country.