SA’s capital city is paying the price of an ANC power grab

In the 2016 local government election the residents of Tshwane voted the ANC government out of office. But now ANC rule has returned to the capital city.

In March this year the ANC provincial government in Gauteng disbanded the Tshwane’s council and placed the municipality under administration.

At the time Tshwane had no arrear Eskom debt, an unqualified audit outcome for the last financial year, an operating surplus, and a two-notch credit upgrade from Moody’s.

The only credible explanation for the province invoking section 139(1)(c) of the Constitution, reserved for “exceptional circumstances”, was that this was a cynical ANC ploy to grab back the power the party lost in 2016.

The pretext for provincial intervention was created by ANC and EFF councillors who disrupted council meetings and broke quorum. This was a clear violation of the statutory code of conduct for councillors.

The DA went to court to overturn the power grab, and in May the High Court ruled in our favour. Judge President Mlambo delivered a stringing rebuke of the Gauteng government as well ANC and EFF councillors.

Not only was the decision to disband Tshwane overturned, ANC and EFF councillors were ordered to attend council meetings.

On Monday a crucial aspect of the case will be heard in the Supreme Court of Appeal, and we expect a judgment soon thereafter.

But as important as the court case is, it is also important for the South African people to know what is going on under the cover of “administration” in the nation’s capital.

Collapse of service delivery and looming financial crisis in Tshwane 

At present Tshwane has no city council to check on the management of the city, including tenders, expenditures, court cases, and contracts.

DA ward councillors continue to help communities with service delivery problems, but until a court outcome they have no official standing when speaking to municipal officials. And there is no elected mayor down the line of accountability.

As we speak sewage is running down some of Tshwane’s main streets, but the municipal workers meant to fix the problem are either on strike or on slow strike.

Water leaks and electricity outages that used to be fixed in 24 to 48 hours, now take weeks. DA councillors try their best to share the little information they receive from officials.

This month revenue collection is apparently down by 30% – worsening the blow of the lockdown on city revenues, and threatening the city’s financial sustainability.

Rates clearance certificates aren’t being issued, and building plans aren’t being processed. So the little development that is possible in spite of the lockdown is being thwarted by municipal incompetence.

In May, two months after the lockdown, the administrators approved for public comment a city budget that was underfunded by at least R2 billion.

The administrators hadn’t taken the likely effect of the lockdown on city revenues into account, rendering the entire public participation process worthless.

But what has concerned Tshwane’s lead administrator, Mpho Nawa, hasn’t been the breakdown of services, the revenue crisis, or a discredited budget.

He has been more concerned with appointing political support staff, including the currently vacant position of the mayor’s chief of staff.

Neverminded that until the court case is decided there are no politicians holding elective office in the city, and that there is no mayor in need of the services of a chief of staff.

Administrators fail to deal with violent strike action  

The administrators also cannot seem to get a handle on the SA Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU) – despite the union being a key ally of the ANC in its Tshwane power grab.

Different ANC factions now seem to be fighting each other for control of Tshwane House – a reminder of what happened in the lead up to the 2016 local election.

When Thoko Didiza was announced as the candidate to replace the inept Sputla Ramakgopa as ANC mayoral candidate members of the party, including deployed cadres in the municipal administration, unleashed a wave of violence and destruction.

Roads were blocked, municipal offices were trashed, and municipal cars were set ablaze. All this had to be mopped up by the DA-led coalition government that took over later that year.

Settlement being considered on West Capital land scam

Today the DA can also reveal that the city’s administrators want to settle a court case over an unlawful land deal called the West Capital Development Project. The deal was concluded under the previous ANC mayor Kgosontso Ramakgopa in 2011 and amended without council approval in 2013.

In terms of the deal a 99-year lease is given to a private consortium over more than 1000 acres of city owned land that includes a waste water treatment plant, a bus depot, and the Heroes Acre cemetery. For this and other benefits the consortium pays a nominal rental of R100 per calendar year.

In 2018 the DA-led city government took the West Capital deal on judicial review, and the matter is now ripe for hearing in the High Court. But we have now seen documents proposing a “settlement” instead, including extending the life of the unlawful deal. The legacy of ANC mismanagement, corruption and cadre deployment between 2000 and 2016 runs deeper in Tshwane than anywhere else with the possible exception of Nelson Mandela Bay.

What has happened in Tshwane since March justifies the case the DA has made in court. It shows what happens to democracy, service delivery and the capacity of the state when an election outcome is reversed.

The DA will continue the fight against the Tshwane power grab – in court, but also in the lead up to the 2021 local government election. We have not yet reversed the ANC’s legacy, and we have made mistakes of our own.

But it is now even clearer than it was in 2016 that the ANC in Tshwane cannot be trusted with responsibility.

Click here to contribute to the DA’s legal action challenging irrational and dangerous elements of the hard lockdown in court.

Eskom once again plunges SA into darkness

South Africa has once again been plunged into darkness this morning when stage 2 load shedding was implemented countrywide due to the delay to return five generation units to service and a further two units went offline.

Eskom has issued warnings of a “severely constrained” power system and has urged “the people of South Africa to reduce electricity consumption in order to help us power the country through the evening peak.”

This blow follows a court ruling this week that the City of Cape Town must first exhaust negotiations with the Government in its attempt to secure South African municipalities the legal right to select their electricity suppliers.

These developments reflect the continued inability of Eskom to meet the needs of South Africans for affordable and available electricity. On the one hand Eskom continues to limp into the darkness of the death spiral Eskom CEO, André de Ruyter, himself referred to and on the other, an inexplicable procedural judgment that has stymied the plans of a city of four million people to set up its own power-purchasing office, which would secure supplies within six years.

This situation is untenable as South Africans battle to emerge from the economically crippling effects of Covid-19 legislation that has depressed demand for electricity in the interim. How Eskom intends to meet a rise in electricity needs as the economy revivifies is woefully unclear.

Meanwhile the Democratic Alliance’s (DA) Independent Systems and Market Operator (ISMO) Bill or the Cheaper Energy Bill which aims to drive the cost of electricity down, introduce competition into the energy sector and diversify the country’s energy sources to introduce more renewables, continues to be side-lined by the portfolio committee. The private member’s bill introduced by DA Chief Whip Natasha Mazzone MP, is a reworked version of another bill first introduced by the Energy Minister in 2012 to deal with Eskom’s conflict of interest as a generator and distributor of electricity. It was later withdrawn in 2014.

The question to be asked in view of this, is whether Government as shareholder of Eskom and responsible for the country’s energy needs is serious about the dire situation South Africa is facing on the electricity supply front? Its actions or more precisely, its lack of action, seems to suggest otherwise.

The utility’s crippling debt levels, its continued inability to secure a stable grid and Government’s unwillingness in the face of this to pursue meaningful alternative options reflects a gross dereliction of duty and responsibility to the nation.

The DA demands urgent attention to these issues, failing which, the death spiral De Ruyter referred to and the concomitant impact on our flailing economy will be, in the words used to refer to the failure of the Apartheid government, too ghastly to contemplate. We urge an urgent re-visitation by the parliamentary committee of credible options with urgency. The DA will write to the chair of the committee to make this request plain.

Click here to contribute to the DA’s legal action challenging irrational and dangerous elements of the hard lockdown in court

Time to end hard lockdown

Please find attached soundbite from John Steenhuisen MP.

The DA calls on President Ramaphosa to end the hard lockdown now, including the irrational bans on tobacco and alcohol. The tourism industry, schools, and borders need to be fully opened, the curfew lifted, and the state of disaster ended. It is high time for Ramaphosa to grow a spine, stand up to his party and start putting South Africa first.

South Africa’s daily Covid-19 infection rate is declining, taking pressure off our public health system. At the same time, our recovery rate has increased significantly. While this is no reason to drop our guard, it is reason enough to fully open our economy. This must happen immediately.

There is general agreement that a second wave is unlikely but not impossible. Either way, we cannot hide from this virus forever while our lives and livelihoods fall apart. We need to learn to live with it, since it will still be with us for many months, perhaps even years, to come.

While we should all continue to wear our masks and adhere to safety protocols, we need to pick up the pieces and start to rebuild our shattered economy, which has lost over a trillion rand and three million jobs to this long, irrational, secretive, brutally hard lockdown.

The DA has long called for the economy to be opened, with hard lockdown replaced by a well-resourced, coordinated testing strategy to suppress the epidemic. Instead, the ANC saw fit to slam the brakes on our economy, even as it kept its looting of the state in top gear.

Economists have estimated that an effective testing strategy would have cost around R20 billion per year, allowing us to adequately suppress the virus. Instead, our economy has lost over a trillion rand, thousands of lives have been destroyed, and millions of livelihoods, while the virus has spread uncontrolled in vulnerable communities.

The government’s rank failure to allocate the necessary resources and skills towards building testing capacity has cost South Africans dearly. This is the price of an incapable state, hollowed out and corrupted by years of cadre deployment, where political patronage guides state appointments, rather than any consideration of ability to serve the public.

South Africa never could afford more than a 3- to 5-week hard lockdown to prepare our hospitals, build testing capacity, drive awareness, and put in place the safety protocols needed to slow the spread. A capable, caring government could have bridged vulnerable households and business across that short divide, saving lives and livelihoods. Instead the ANC government opened up a wide chasm and allowed people and businesses to fall to their deaths.

South Africa’s economy was already in crisis before the virus arrived. Now national insolvency is all but guaranteed, while our economy lies in ruins and millions of people will suffer unnecessarily for years to come. Enough is enough. Let’s get back to work and start rebuilding.

Click here to contribute to the DA’s legal action challenging irrational and dangerous elements of the hard lockdown in court

Opinion | This is how South Africa became a criminal state

The power struggles in the ANC are so fierce precisely because they mean control of the machinery of cadre deployment to loot on behalf of those connected to the winning faction.

The impact of the social media hashtag #VoetsekANC, and the comments that accompanied it, show that people finally understand we live under a criminal state.

The abuse of Covid-19 relief funds by ANC-linked cadres, raking in huge profit for adding no value (except their political connections), has been the last straw for many South Africans. 

The tenderpreneur feeding frenzy was symbolised by Ace Magashule’s son buying a BMW worth R2-million, a week after it was revealed that his “company” (of which he is sole director) had scored big on a project to provide soap and masks to the Free State provincial government.

Although this is small scale corruption in comparison to, say, the Arms Deal or the Medupi power plant, or the billions raked off from state-owned enterprises, the callousness of looting donor funds provided to protect people from a potentially deadly illness reflects the extent of the ANC’s moral depravity.

The key question no one seems to be addressing is this: How did we manage, in 26 short years of democracy, to fall from the pedestal of international respectability; to become a byword for corruption and criminality?

Why didn’t our magnificent Constitution (often described as one of the best in the world), with all its checks and balances, prevent this? And what about our vigorous opposition, vigilant media, independent judiciary, active civil society, and a raft of Chapter 9 institutions? Why did they all fail to stop the onward march of the state from international poster child for democracy, to corruption and blatant criminality?

The answer is: because the ANC legalised corruption. It did so openly, under our noses, often with the fulsome support of almost all the institutions that should have prevented it, including the international community.

What’s more, these institutions not only failed to protect us – they actually facilitated this downward trajectory.

To get to the root of the problem, we must face the fact that Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE), as conceptualised and implemented by the ANC, made corruption legal and morally acceptable.  Anyone who saw through it, and called it for what it is, was automatically dismissed as “racist”.

In over 100 laws mandating B-BBEE and racial “representivity” throughout the public and private sector, the ANC created a useful camouflage to cover its deployment committee’s work in setting up this looting machine. Cadres were deployed to all institutions of state, controlling multi-billion budgets, dispensing funds and managing procurement systems, with the primary aim of enriching the ANC cadres in business and securing significant “kickbacks” for the party and its network.

Inevitably, before long, competing networks arose. The factions in the ANC are not driven primarily by political or ideological differences, but by intense contestation for control over these funding sources. After 26 years, the South African state has become a web of competing criminal syndicates posing as a government.

And they made fools of the electorate by successfully selling the lie that their form of B-BBEE was synonymous with black empowerment. It was the very opposite. It left SA destitute, with unemployment levels at 30% (and that was before the Covid-19 pandemic).

Some people still believe the ANC’s race laws were motivated by a real commitment to redress. I do not believe that, and never have.

And to be fair, the ANC has been pretty honest about its intentions from the start. 

Right at the start of our democracy, the ANC told us that their National Democratic Revolution (NDR) required “State Capture”. It took 23 years before journalists and most analysts actually took this seriously.

As Joel Netshitenzhe, a leading ANC intellectual, wrote in the ANC mouthpiece Umrabulo in 1996: The aim of the NDR “is extending the power of the ‘National Liberation Movement’ over all levers of power: the army, the police, the bureaucracy, intelligence structures, the judiciary, parastatals, and agencies such as regulatory bodies, the public broadcaster, the central bank and so on”.

The unparalleled revulsion to the extent of looting in the rest of the country is based in the disbelief that the ANC would actually use a national crisis to milk the state – especially the billions borrowed to deal with Covid-19.

The ANC’s deployment policy was aimed at achieving party control of the state. And then, through the state, controlling every other sector of society by introducing stricter and stricter B-BBEE and EEA laws that enabled cadre deployment (and the associated corruption and criminalisation) to reach into every money flow – every stream of funding – in the country.

In the earlier years, the notorious Chancellor House provided a clearing house, allocating tenders and contracts through the state in return for generous donations to the ANC.

But even that filter finally fell away. Now it is straight, personalised corruption to politically linked individuals.

We were warned. As Kgalema Motlanthe said in 2007:

“This rot is across the board. It is not confined to any level or any area of the country. Almost every project is conceived because it offers opportunities for certain people to make money.”

The power struggles in the ANC are so fierce precisely because they mean control of the machinery of cadre deployment to loot on behalf of those connected to the winning faction.

Former Business Day editor, Tim Cohen, described it aptly in 2008 when he wrote: “At issue is the creation of the state in which politicians enter politics not with the intention of public service, but with the intention of getting rich. The result is that political battles are a kind of proxy for deciding not how social issues are to be addressed, but which faction will gain the ability to insert itself into the circulation of money streams.” (Cohen is editor of Business Maverick – Ed)

The only places where this has not occurred, is where the DA governs.

The unparalleled revulsion to the extent of looting in the rest of the country is based in the disbelief that the ANC would actually use a national crisis to milk the state – especially the billions borrowed to deal with Covid-19.

In order to try to prevent this feeding frenzy, the DA went to court seeking a declaratory that B-BBEE criteria could not be used to disburse disaster relief to small businesses that had suffered severe losses under the lockdown. The court dismissed our case. It found that not only was the minister empowered to use B-BBEE criteria, but that she was mandated to do so.

Our application for leave to appeal this judgment was also dismissed, this time with costs. The court found that while the minister was constitutionally and legally compelled to use B-BBEE criteria, she might choose not to give this criterion any weight in allocating the resources.

This single judgment demonstrates the extent to which all the checks and balances against the institutionalisation of corruption and the resulting criminalisation of the state, have failed.

The only way out of this mess is to understand that no democracy can make sustained economic progress without actively striving to become a meritocracy, where people are appointed to positions, or win tenders, on clear, value-adding criteria, not on their colour or their political contacts.

In this context, it is hardly surprising that two sons of ANC Secretary-General Ace Magashule, as well as various close allies, benefited so handsomely from contracts for PPE equipment at significantly inflated prices. As Ace himself said: “There is no law against it.”

He is right.

As Jacob Zuma famously said in his response to allegations of corruption: “I was only applying B-BBEE.”

Indeed, he was. On this basis, his lawyers will be able to put up a good defence, if the ex-president ever gets his day in court.

The system creates every possible incentive for this cynical abuse of black economic empowerment. It isn’t an accident. It was designed this way.

The new appointments to the National Youth Development Agency (NYDA) show exactly how it is done: there is the façade, a pretence, of due process. People are invited to apply for board positions that carry key responsibilities. Scores of people put in applications in good faith, often highly competent, experienced and well-skilled for the role. But Luthuli House hands its list to the selection panel, dominated by ANC cadres, and with a little additional input from the ANC Women’s League and the Young Communist League, the predetermined board emerges, almost totally devoid of the skills required to do the job.

A new looting vehicle into the funding stream of R500-million annually that is the NYDA’s budget.

The only way out of this mess is to understand that no democracy can make sustained economic progress without actively striving to become a meritocracy, where people are appointed to positions, or win tenders, on clear, value-adding criteria, not on their colour or their political contacts.

And the only way we can get there is if the voters begin to understand why this is so important, and begin to vote for it.

Otherwise we must stop feigning shock when the looting continues.

Ramaphosa must choose South Africa over ANC ideological battles on alcohol and tobacco sales

The Democratic Alliance (DA) strongly urges President Cyril Ramaphosa to end the continued ban on alcohol and tobacco sales which according to media reports will be discussed during a cabinet meeting this week.

Since the ban on tobacco sales was instituted 139 days ago and an alcohol ban which was brought back without any warning or consultation, it is believed South Africa has lost up to R8 billion in taxes from these industries.

This is roughly 11.5% of the R70 billion loan that we had to go and beg the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for.

There has also been a tsunami of job losses in both industries which run past 100 000 jobs lost and more than R10 billion worth of investments that have been pulled from South Africa.

While the idea of these bans had started off well-intentioned to build up healthcare capacity, it is clear that they quickly morphed into an ideological battleground within the ANC and national cabinet, with President Ramaphosa being reduced to a mere spectator while his ministers repeatedly contradicted him on these issues.

We have also been told repeatedly that the government is being “led by the science” on both of these bans and yet the “science” is just not with them to continue this prohibition going forward.

In fact, the President and his Ministers are now in stark opposition to what our leading scientists are telling us, and that is to drop the bans on alcohol and tobacco immediately.

In truth, the biggest winners during this national debacle have been cigarette smugglers and liquor bootleggers who have made billions of Rands while the state has criminalised ordinary South Africans for buying cigarettes and alcohol. Whose side is the government really on?

In the end, President Ramaphosa will have a chance to choose South Africans first this week, save livelihoods in these industries and to divert police resources to catching real crooks like ANC politicians who have stolen Covid-19 funds which should have been used to buy PPE, instead of unleashing the police to lock up people for buying cigarettes.

It remains to be seen, will President Ramaphosa choose South Africa over the wishes of the ANC and his ministers playing ideological roulette? Only time will tell.

Click here to contribute to the DA’s legal action challenging irrational and dangerous elements of the hard lockdown in court

DA launches petition to open up the Tourism Sector

In the last few weeks the various sectors within the tourism, hospitality and restaurant industries have been peacefully demonstrating against government’s lockdown regulations which is economically crippling these sectors.

Many previously flourishing businesses have been decimated and hundreds of thousands of jobs have been lost.

The minister of no tourism, Mmamoloko Kubayi-Ngubane has even acknowledged that numerous jobs have and will be lost within these sectors. This is a huge indictment on and an admission of failure by this government and minister Kubayi-Ngubane in particular.

The Democratic Alliance (DA) encourages continued pressure by these sectors against this authoritarian job-killing government which is causing a daily loss of R748 million for the industry.

Today we are launching a petition that calls on government to allow South Africans to travel to any province that they may wish and be permitted to stay at any holiday resort, lodge or any other type of accommodation whilst also being permitted to enjoy all activities on offer at any of the tourism and hospitality facilities.

South Africans are encouraged to sign and distribute this petition as widely as possible.

The petition will then be officially handed to parliament when the DA will request that the demands are adhered to, thus saving livelihoods as well as lives.

The petition can be accessed here:

Exclusive: DA reveals how ANC paid cadres and state employees R11 billion not to work, while the lockdown destroyed the private economy

Note to Editors: Please find attached an English soundbite by Dr. Leon Schreiber MP.

While the best available estimates show that over 3 million people in the private sector have already lost their jobs and that a fifth of private sector employees did not receive a salary in June as a result of the ANC lockdown crisis, the DA can exclusively reveal that at least 84 337 cadres and public servants were paid their full salaries during the lockdown to do nothing.

According to National Treasury, the average salary in the public service is R393 000 per annum, or R32 750 per month. This means that, over the past four months of the lockdown crisis, the ANC has spent over R11 billion in taxpayer money to pay the salaries of at least 84 000 state employees who “had their workloads reduced significantly.”

In response to a parliamentary question posed by the DA, Minister of Public Service and Administration, Senzo Mchunu, bluntly stated that “during the national lockdown, all public servants will continue to receive their full salaries” even if they are not doing any work.

Mchunu also provided a breakdown per government department of the over 84 000 employees who “had their workloads reduced significantly” during levels 4 and 5 of the lockdown.

To understand the full scale of the ANC’s determination to keep feeding its public sector patronage network, consider that the R11 billion wasted over the past four months on state employees who were not working is equivalent to 15.7% of the $4.3 billion that the government was recently forced to borrow from the IMF.

While the national government and all ANC-controlled provinces happily wasted precious public funds to pay workers for not working, and while millions of private sector employees lost all they had, only the DA-led Western Cape immediately put in place systems to ensure that almost all public servants continued earning their salaries throughout the lockdown.

The DA salutes the Western Cape Government for once again proving that is a responsible custodian of taxpayer money.

The DA will be writing to Mchunu to find out why the government did not require “non-essential” public servants to claim from the UIF-TERS system in the same way that it forced private employees to surrender their salaries.

If the government was confident that TERS would adequately compensate workers for lost income, why did it refuse to make non-essential cadres give up their salaries and also claim from TERS like private sector workers?

It is nothing short of a national scandal that the ANC willfully destroyed the livelihoods of at least three million private sector workers, but at the same made sure that state employees who were not doing any work at all continued to receive full pay and benefits.

Tackling Covid corruption requires action, not inter-ministerial window dressing

The inter-ministerial committee set up by President Ramaphosa to probe his own party’s Covid procurement corruption is, like every other inter-ministerial committee trotted out in the past, just window dressing to create the illusion of action. This toothless gathering of ANC cadres has no real capacity to investigate and prosecute those involved. But more importantly, it has no motivation to do so either.

Never, in 26 years of ANC government, has the ruling party ever found itself or its own members guilty of anything. It’s not going to start doing so now. This Covid corruption committee will go the same dead-end route as the inter-ministerial bodies that investigated Nkandla and the Gupta landing at Waterkloof, and ended up exonerating every high-ranking ANC cadre. It’s nothing but a whitewashing exercise.

South Africans are tired of these empty gestures and feeble attempts at placating them. They want to see action from the president. They want to see dirty cadres swap their luxury clothing brands and German SUVs for orange overalls and prison beds. But instead we have a spectator president whose best offer to the nation is more talk shops, platitude-filled newsletters and meaningless inter-ministerial committees.

Why is this committee centralised in the Presidency? How independent is it? Who will provide oversight over it? What real powers does it have? Could the President not ask Parliament to set up a committee empowered to deal with this corruption scourge?

The feeding frenzy over PPE procurement by ANC cadres and their families was entirely predictable to anyone who has ever seen the ANC government in action. Many, including the DA, warned of this at the start of the Covid crisis. For this reason the DA urged government over two months ago to put in place a meaningful deterrent. On the 25th of May the DA proposed to Finance Minister Tito Mboweni a Special Inspector-General to prevent the looting of Covid-19 relief funding.

The DA specifically proposed that the Special Inspector-General should have the power to:

  1. Summon information or assistance from any government department, agency, or other entity at National, Provincial or Local government level. Failure to disclose information within seven days will be regarded as a criminal offence;
  2. Direct departments to take immediate action to address deficiencies identified by a report or investigation of the Special Inspector General;
  3. Prevent the payment of any monies to, or recall moneys from any individual or entity where the Special Inspector-General finds deficiencies, non-adherence to processes, or potential abuse of power or corruption;
  4. Nullify the awarding of tenders and contracts where the Special Inspector-General finds deficiencies, non-adherence to processes, or potential abuse of power or corruption;
  5. Investigate the legitimacy of any eligible businesses receiving any state-backed Covid funding;
  6. Require an explanation of the reasons the State determined it to be appropriate to procure any goods or services for Covid relief, including a justification of the price paid for, and other financial terms associated with, the applicable transaction; and
  7. Prevent and/or terminate procurement where exorbitant pricing is detected.

To date, the president and his cabinet have refused to consider this proposal. The scale of the looting we have seen makes a mockery of his solemn vows back in March that Covid procurement corruption will not be tolerated, and that anyone implicated will face serious consequences.

Only the Western Cape government proactively published the details of all Covid-19 related expenditure. And only the Western Cape government conducted lifestyle audits of all its cabinet members. It is hardly surprising then that only the Western Cape has managed to put together an adequate healthcare response to safeguard its citizens.

That’s the kind of transparent and capable government our country needs to get through this crisis. But this will require a president who is prepared to act – even if this means acting against his own party.

We call on President Ramaphosa to abandon the empty window dressing of this inter-ministerial committee and focus instead on steps that have real power to stop corruption in its tracks and hold the guilty to account.

Click here to contribute to the DA’s legal action challenging irrational and dangerous elements of the hard lockdown in court