BOKAMOSO | Shaping the DA to shape the future

Mark my words, the DA has a central role to play in securing a prosperous future for South Africa. No amount of hype around a “new dawn” can obscure the reality on the ground, which is that South Africa is sliding backwards. That reality is reflected in four stark facts about our economy that have come to light in the past month.

First, broad unemployment (which includes those who have given up looking for work) is now at a record-high of 9.9 million people, equating to 38% of our workforce. In the first quarter of 2019, unemployment grew in every province except the DA-run Western Cape, where it fell.

Second, our economy contracted by 3.2% (annualized) in the first three months of this year, the biggest quarterly contraction in a decade. And it is unlikely to grow substantially anytime soon because: third, net investment (as measured by gross fixed capital formation) declined in the first quarter of 2019 for the fifth consecutive quarter, by 4.5%.

And fourth, the recent resignations of the CEOs of Eskom and SAA suggest that the government is simply not prepared to take the necessary steps to fix our state-owned entities.

These outcomes put us in the perilous situation of rising impoverishment and discontent. They will persist until we South Africans reform our economy. We need to fundamentally change the way we do things and that means facing down the various special interest groups that benefit from the status quo.

This will be very difficult for Ramaphosa’s government to achieve because they rely on these groups for political support.

Thus the DA must succeed in its mission of uniting South Africans around the principles required for a successful state: the rule of law, non-racialism, and a market-driven economy coupled with a capable state that generates opportunities for all.

We need to succeed soon, because we South Africans are still grappling with our 20th century challenges even as 21st century challenges of technology and climate change hurtle towards us.

Our objective is to occupy the centre of South Africa’s political landscape. We are not a party for the right or for the left. Nor do we aspire to represent the interests of any specific groups. Our objective is to promote the national interest.

The DA has experienced rapid growth since 1994, and especially since 2016, when the number of people we govern for (through provincial, metro or municipal governments) almost tripled from around 6 million to around 15 million people. We are a different, more diverse and much larger animal now than the party we were a few years ago.

These changes have brought on challenges associated with increased complexity. We have therefore initiated a comprehensive party-wide review, to assess what changes we need to make to our structures, systems and policies going forward in order to keep growing support for our mission.

Our future is about doing the basics right: building trust amongst South Africans through activism, branches and campaigning, and through good governance. Overall, our governments are in great shape to continue to deliver. But we are now more focused than ever to demonstrate the DA difference in government, and to create thriving market-based economies where we govern.

So we’ll be strengthening our Governance Unit to give it the clout it needs to provide the requisite support to our provincial, metro and municipal governments so they can deliver the best possible service to citizens.

And we’ll be working actively to build national support for economic reform. In 2018, we postponed a summit on growth and redress in order to focus on our 2019 election campaign. That summit is now firmly on the agenda.

Please join us as we shape the future of our nation.

BOKAMOSO | The real change we need starts in Ramaphosa’s cabinet

Cyril Ramaphosa’s swearing in as President of South Africa marks a potential new beginning for our country. I congratulate him and wish him well. If he is genuine about reforming South Africa’s economy for investment, growth and jobs, he will have the DA’s full support.

Urgent reform is now critical. Ramaphosa has a window of opportunity, a honeymoon period to administer the bitter pills that can arrest our slide and set us on course for sustained progress. Failure to undertake the necessary changes will lead to a ratings downgrade to junk status, bankruptcy and widespread unnecessary suffering.

President Ramaphosa needs to use the opportunity to be honest with the nation about the structural reform South Africa needs to reverse our decline and ensure long-term success. He should explain to people why populist solutions, no matter how attractive they may appear, will ultimately lead to South Africa’s downfall, as they have done in Zimbabwe, Venezuela and elsewhere.

Performance must be measured by falling unemployment and poverty rates, steady improvements in real education outcomes, increased life expectancy, reduced crime rates, and a rolling back of national debt. Here I outline some key cabinet changes that would signal a commitment to the reforms required to achieve these outcomes.

The economic cluster should be reduced to just three ministries, to enable more coherent economic policy: finance, state-owned entities and jobs. Appointing the right people to these three ministries is critical.

The minister of finance must be committed and authorized to set a debt ceiling. The public sector wage bill must be brought down as a percentage of our national budget, so that more funds can be invested in the infrastructure required for economic growth.

The public enterprises minister must be willing to privatise non-strategic SOEs such as SAA, and to restructure Eskom to enable a private-sector-led transition to cheaper, cleaner energy sources. This requires a minister who will stand up to union bosses so that the nation’s need for reliable, affordable electricity to power businesses and homes prevails over demands for protected jobs at inflated salaries.

The minister of jobs must be someone who will craft every policy area for maximum job creation, recognising that entrepreneurs and investors are the solution not the problem.

Labour legislation, especially that which restricts small business, must be significantly liberalised. Broad unemployment, currently at a record high of 38%, is South Africa’s single biggest problem. Our labour legislation must be designed for job creation for the many, not job protection for the few.

The Mining Charter should be scrapped entirely. There has been almost no new investment in mines in the past decade, and unless this is reversed, our mining industry will further implode.

We don’t need a separate tourism ministry. We need a jobs minister committed to the visa reform required to boost tourism and investment. It must be easier for tourists and those with critical skills to enter South Africa.

Similarly, we should do away with a ministry of trade and industry in favour of a jobs minister committed to making the whole country a special economic zone, so that our firms can compete globally.

Agriculture and land reform should be merged into one ministry, with a minister who understands that expropriation without compensation (EWC) will be devastating for agriculture and for the banking sector.

Ramaphosa needs to appoint a basic education minister who is committed and strong enough to stand up to SADTU. Teachers need to be properly assessed, trained, monitored and incentivised. This will not happen until SADTU’s iron grip on our education system is released.

The sports ministry should be merged with basic education, to achieve bottom-up transformation in sport, while science and technology should be merged with higher education to better foster innovation.

The health minister must be someone who sees the private sector as an ally rather than a threat. South Africa simply cannot afford to implement National Health Insurance in its current guise, which amounts to nationalising the current private health sector. It would be disastrous. Rather, we should concentrate on fixing our public hospitals, expanding access to primary healthcare clinics, and on leveraging the private health sector for maximum public benefit.

Significant control must be devolved to those provinces with the capacity to manage their own police forces. Effective crime-fighting needs localised knowledge and intelligence on the ground. The DA-run Western Cape is seeking a degree of control over policing in the province, and we hope the minister of police will act in the public interest.

Cities should also be given more control. They are the key centres of future development, the most efficient locus for delivering services and extending opportunities to more people. SA needs a minister of local government who understands this and who pushes for more devolution of power to cities, be it to run their own railways or to purchase their own electricity directly from suppliers.

Cape Town, for example, stands ready to develop an integrated, single-ticket public transport system for bus and rail. Many Western Cape municipalities have the systems in place to purchase power directly from independent producers.

The environment ministry cannot be a dumping site for disgraced ministers. Rather, it must be recognised as critical to our long-term future. It needs someone who recognises the threats posed by climate change and ecosystem degradation and has the courage and vision to drive practical, innovative solutions. This person will need to interact closely with many other ministries, to ensure resilience is built into every aspect of our society.

Home affairs needs a minister who understands the importance of an efficient, controlled immigration process coupled with secure borders. The current uncontrolled influx of undocumented immigrants makes planning and budgeting difficult and ineffective.

State security must have a minister who can professionalise the department and get it focused on ensuring the nation’s security and fighting corruption rather than on waging factional battles.

Finally, I have proposed that Ramaphosa convene a summit on race and reconciliation. Our nation needs an honest conversation about the best way to build an inclusive economy that generates opportunity for all. If we are to succeed, we need to find each other and start working together as one nation with one shared future.

BOKAMOSO | 12 great reasons to vote DA

The following are two lists giving some great reasons to vote DA and some great reasons not to “vote for Cyril”. We hope they will be helpful in winning over those who are still undecided about how best to vote this week.

12 reason to vote DA

  1. One-party dominance is failing SA. Our democracy urgently needs a strong alternative. We must build this at the centre of our politics and society. This is where the DA is located.
  2. The DA is the only sizable party that stands for the rule of law and a market-driven economy.
  3. DA is the only party with a solid track record in government. No other party on the national list has demonstrated its ability to run a national or provincial government efficiently and honestly.
  4. 15 out of the 20 best-run municipalities in SA are DA-led. (Source Good Governance Africa’s Governance Performance Index 2019.)
  5. DA-led Western Cape is SA’s top-performing province for financial stability and governance. (Source: Ratings Afrika’s Municipal Financial Stability Index 2019)
  6. DA-led Western Cape has the lowest broad unemployment: 23% compared with SA average of 37%. (Source: StatsSA QLFS)
  7. DA-led Western Cape achieves the best basic education outcomes – highest retention of children in school until end of matric. Retained 63% of kids in 2018. All other provinces retained under 50%. Highest real matric pass rate.
  8. DA-led Western Cape achieves the best health outcomes. Life expectancy is the highest in the country, has increased by a projected 7 years since DA took over in 2009. And 90% of people live within 30 minutes of a clinic.
  9. DA-led Western Cape success rate of land reform farms is 72%, compared to 10% success rate for SA as a whole.
  10. DA-led Midvaal municipality is the only municipality in Gauteng to come in the top-20 best-run municipalities in SA. (Source Good Governance Africa’s Governance Performance Index 2019.) Has achieved 5 consecutive years of clean audits. (Source: Auditor General)
  11. DA-led Western Cape has by far the best track record in spending public money on the public. Achieved 83% clean audits with Gauteng coming a distant second at 52% (Source: Auditor General’s report for 2017/18.)
  12. Cape Town is SA’s best-run metro. (Source: Ratings Afrika’s Municipal Financial Stability Index 2019)

12 great reasons not to “vote for Cyril”

  1. To “vote for Cyril” you must vote ANC. This gives the whole party a mandate, not just Cyril.
  2. A strong result for the ANC will only embolden the crooks in the party. (Ramaphosa only won the ANC presidency because the ANC did so poorly in the 2016 local government elections. Accountability works.)
  3. The ANC’s candidate lists prove that Cyril has already lost the battle against the crooks in his party. The second most trusted ANC politician after Cyril is Pravin Gordhan who is only 73 on the national list.
  4.  “Voting for Cyril” is high-risk because if Cyril is recalled, DD Mabuza becomes president. (Mabuza looted and killed his way to the top and is close to Malema.)
  5.  “Voting for Cyril” gets the Trojan Horse thing back to front: Cyril is the mechanism to get the ANC back into power, not the other way around.
  6.  South Africa is on its knees after 25 years of one-party dominance by a patronage-driven party that works only to enrich a connected elite. Our democracy urgently needs a strong alternative.
  7.  A weak ANC mandate coupled with a strong showing for the DA (or some other reform-minded party) can only strengthen Cyril’s so-called reform agenda.
  8. There is little evidence of Cyril’s reform agenda other than his tepid fight against corruption (not a single ANC leader has been charged 14 months into his presidency). So far, he has been forced to support the attack on property rights and the forced investment of pension funds into chronically corrupt, bankrupt state-owned enterprises as well as the nationalisation of the Reserve Bank and of SA’s health system.
  9. Cyril was tasked to fix Eskom in 2015 and today the power utility is in a death spiral and looks set to take our economy down with it.
  10. He is complicit in state capture, having been head of the ANC’s cadre deployment committee during the worst years of state capture.
  11. Cyril’s son (Andile Ramaphosa) has received R2 million in consulting fees from corrupt Bosasa since Cyril became president. This suggests the ANC will continue to be a party that enriches the ANC-connected elite at the expense of the rest.
  12. To tackle SA’s education, energy and unemployment crises, Cyril needs to stare down the unions. This he will never do, as COSATU forms his core support base within the ANC.

SPECIAL BOKAMOSO | Let us vote for our hopes, not our fears

The following speech was delivered yesterday by DA Leader, Mmusi Maimane, at the party’s Phetogo Final Rally at the Dobsonville Stadium in Soweto, Johannesburg.

My fellow South Africans,

These words written by Sankomota three decades ago could have been written for us today.

Heyi wena Afrika

Kgale o dutse hae

Tsamaya lo ipatlela tsa bophelo

Tsoha o iketsetse.

Vuka baba, vuka

Life has been passing you by

Follow your star, it’s now or never

Hayi, you’ve got to make it better

Africa rise. South Africa rise.

We have a date with destiny. We have, before us, a moment described so well by Winston Churchill. We’ve been tapped on the shoulder and asked to do something great – something fitted to our talents.

This is our moment in history. It’s now or never.

Fellow South Africans,

Let me begin by sending my deepest condolences to the families of those who lost their lives in the devastating floods that swept through KZN and parts of the Eastern Cape.

This was a stark reminder of how close we are to the edge. We dare not ignore these red flags on climate change any longer.

Fellow Democrats,

What a wonderful sight this is here in Dobsonville today! If you want to know how far we have come as a party, just look around you.

The incredible energy here tells me one thing: We have the momentum. We are ready to bring change!

The DA is bigger and stronger than ever before. We are more diverse than ever before. We govern in more places than ever before.

We are united in our mission of building one South Africa for all.

The DA is the only party for all South Africans, and you will find us everywhere, from Durban to Dobsonville, from Chatsworth to Carletonville, and from Motherwell to Mitchells Plain.

We are young and old, black and white. We are Christian, Muslim, Jewish and non-believers.

We are men and women, gay and straight. We’re in cities, we’re in villages and we’re on farms.

Street by street, ward by ward, town by town, we are turning this country blue. And it is thanks to people like you: our blue wave of activists, volunteers and advocates for change.

Thank you to our staff members. Thank you to our public reps. Thank you to those who serve in our many governments.

Thank you to the thousands of men and women who put on the blue T-shirt every week and go out there to tell the DA story.

Thank you for your bravery. I know that challenging the status quo is never easy, but you are proving our critics and the pollsters wrong.

Thanks to you, millions of South Africans already wake up every day under a DA government.

You are the reason we’re going to bring change to the Northern Cape.

You are the reason we are going to bring change to Gauteng.

You are the reason we can retain the Western Cape and challenge the ANC nationally.

You are the reason we will ultimately choose a better future for South Africa.

I thank you, and our country thanks you.

I personally want to thank my family, and my Lord and Saviour who has protected me throughout this time.

Fellow South Africans,

On Wednesday we have an appointment with history. An appointment we must honour, because there is so much at stake.

It is a moment that comes round once every five years, when citizens are called upon to do something great.

I know South Africans are scared about the future. All of us – black and white, young and old – are worried about what tomorrow will bring.

We worry about the country we’re leaving for our children. We worry about what opportunities there might be for them one day. We worry if they will be safe.

As a nation we worry more than most, and we have good reason to.

We also have good reason to feel disappointed. To feel let down by the people who were meant to deliver and protect our freedom.

One can’t help but wonder how the generation that sacrificed so much for our freedom throughout the struggle would feel about how things turned out today.

How would they feel about the R1.2 trillion that was stolen during state capture?

How would they feel about all the waste and excess – the wealth and the cars and the VIP bodyguards – that were claimed like some kind of reward?

Just think how different South Africa could have looked today if it weren’t for this greed.

Think about our children who go to school hungry, only to sit in crowded classrooms where teachers either can’t teach, or simply don’t turn up for work.

Think about the girls who drop out of school because they cant afford sanitary towels.

These children will have nothing to show for twelve years of schooling. Half of them won’t even write matric. Their future was stolen before it even began.

Think about the 57 people who are murdered here every single day. Farmers and farm workers, brutally killed.

Or the 110 women who report that they have been raped, not to mention the hundreds that don’t report it.

Our homes have become prisons, whilst the criminals sit at home.

Think about children and mothers sleeping on hospital floors.

Think about 144 mental health patients who died at the hands of their government at Esidimeni.

Think about 34 striking miners who were shot down and killed by the hand of their government at Marikana.

Think about all the men and women in our cities, towns and villages who have no hope of finding a job. That number is almost 10 million, and it grows every day.

Think about the millions of homes without a single income. Homes where there is often nothing to eat because the month is just too long for a tiny social grant.

Four out of every ten homes must live like this.

I have seen this in many provinces. Over the past few months I travelled to every corner of South Africa, and I witnessed the best and the worst of our country.

I met incredible people committed to building our country into something truly great, but I also saw the despair that poverty brings. And I saw this in far too many places.

I met a woman in Douglas in the Northern Cape who told me she has been hungry for as far as she can remember. She had nothing to eat in her house.

It was heart-breaking, but she represents half of our country. Over 50% of our people live below the poverty line, and this number is getting bigger.

We are on borrowed time in this country, using borrowed money. But all things borrowed eventually run out.

We will run out of diesel at the end of the elections, and the lights will go out.

And we will certainly run out of money at a growth rate of just 0.8%.

Life is getting hard for citizens. Vat is up, fuel is up and the cost of living is going up.

We are in deep trouble. We‘re beyond the point where we can say, “your side of the boat is leaking”. All of us are now drowning.

Fellow South Africans,

I am angry. I am angry that the very people who were elected to lead us, ended up stealing from us. And what’s most offensive is that they stole from the poor.

They took the money that was meant to make life liveable for our most vulnerable citizens, and stuck it in their pockets.

The ANC were once the leaders in the struggle for freedom, but today they stand directly in the way of freedom for millions of South Africans.

They were once a movement, but today they are a monument – a mere relic of the past.

They were once our liberators, but today we need to be liberated from them.

That is why I’m angry.

And now they’ve elected a leader who wants you to believe he has just arrived in time to save us. But he was there all along.

Cyril Ramaphosa was there, as Deputy President, when the state was looted.

He was there when Zuma and the Guptas were protected in vote after vote after vote. His name is recorded in these votes as one of those who betrayed us.

This is a man who has taken no action against those in his party responsible for the Esidimeni deaths.

This is a man who called on the police to take action against mineworkers striking for a living wage. The next day 34 of them were killed.

This is a man who watched the looting of Eskom and Prasa, while he was tasked with fixing these institutions.

This is a man who took bribe money from Bosasa, and allowed his son to take their money too.

He wants a country where all things are nationalised – healthcare, the Reserve Bank, pension funds. I see the coalition towards this is strong. They are already offering each other cabinet posts.

Cyril Ramaphosa is no saviour. He is part of the ANC that caused so much despair and suffering these past 25 years. And now they want another five years to loot.

Is this what we want for our country? Or do we want a different outcome?

Because that is the simple choice that lies before us: We can either choose five more years of corruption and empty promises, or we can change.

We can either choose a future no different to our present, or we can choose a future with at least one job in every home, food on every table and opportunities for our children.

I know my answer to this: We need change, and we need it now.

But, fellow South Africans, here’s the thing about change: It is never easy. It’s uncomfortable. It can be scary.

Change requires us to leave behind everything we’ve become used to and step into a place we’ve never been before. It asks us to take the road less travelled.

We are told, by those who want to hold on to power, that we must fear change. They tell us change will paralyze our country.

They tell us coalitions don’t work. They tell us to mistrust each other. They tell us that our problem in this country is our different races.

They want us to fear change so that we keep things as they are. But we dare not listen to them.

We need to find, within ourselves, something stronger than fear. And that is hope and bravery. Hope to see a better tomorrow, and the bravery to march towards it.

If South Africans had been driven by fear in the past, then Apartheid would still be in place. But people were driven by hope instead. And so they showed courage and they opted for change.

Our moment of courage is now.

Maya Angelou once said, “We delight in the beauty of the butterfly, but rarely admit the changes it has gone through to achieve that beauty.”

If we want to undergo our own transformation as a country into something better – something more beautiful and more fair – then we have to be prepared to go through this change ourselves.

It is a normal and necessary part of any democracy.

And while I know it’s scary, this change has already begun.

We are no longer the South Africa of 1994. Our country has changed. And parties have also changed – some for the better, and some for the worst.

I am extremely proud of the DA’s growth over the past 25 years.

We went from a small party to an opposition party, and then a party of government.

Growing from just 1.7% in 1994 to a party that governed four metros after the 2016 election has allowed us to touch the lives of millions of South Africans with our brand of clean, honest government.

In this time we also changed to reflect the incredible diversity of our country.

Today you will find the DA in every community, fighting for the rights of all South Africans.

You will also find us at the heart of coalition governments, as we build a strong centre in South African politics, free from the divisions of the past.

The DA represents the future of our changing nation. We may not be perfect, but we’re honest, we work hard and we have a plan to completely reform our country.

It has been shown that 15 of the 20 best-run municipalities in South Africa are governed by the DA.

Fellow South Africans, this is the change I hope for:

I want to reform our politics so that people of all races can work together towards one goal, instead of retreating back into separate corners.

It’s not a choice between different flags; it’s only one. One South Africa for all.

Ours must be a country where the rights of minorities are defended by the majority. Because our project is no longer freedom fighting, but freedom protecting and enhancing.

I want to reform our economy so that we can break down the walls between the insiders and the outsiders.

I want every home to have at least one job. That way all South Africans will have the dignity of an income, and there will be food on every table, every day.

We can’t have our children become pensioners who leave school only to sit around the house living off someone’s pension.

I want to reform our government to make it efficient and honest. Because the one we have now with its massive cabinet and its bloated SOEs will bankrupt us.

I want provinces to run police and passenger rail services. And I want cities to stand at the forefront of economic growth.

Smaller, more local and more transparent – that’s the government I want.

And I want to reform our society so that we value life and family and community once more.

I want people to live close to work opportunities, so that migrant labour doesn’t tear families apart.

I want girls to finish school. I want our mothers and our sisters to be safe from abuse at home. I want all who live with HIV to have access to medicine. And I want child grants to increase so that they can sustain our children.

That is what this country will look like under a DA government, and I am proud to say we are ready to deliver this. We have grown into this role.

The DA has changed, and for the better.

But now you need to change too.

You need to be brave and perhaps do something you haven’t done before when you go to vote on Wednesday.

Because I’ll tell you this about bravery: It always pays off. Sometimes not immediately. Sometimes only for a next generation. But it is always rewarded.

Our hero, Caster Semenya, has had to be very brave throughout her athletics career. She’s had to put up with the kind of humiliation and suffering that we can hardly imagine. But she has remained strong.

And one day, 20 years from now, we won’t be discussing the IAAF and its rulings. We will be discussing the fact that little girls can compete freely – that they can be who they are and run where they want to. Thanks to her bravery.

Our history is full of brave people who paved the way for others to live better lives.

Helen Suzman’s bravery in Parliament, where she was a lone voice for many years, made life better for South Africans.

Rosa Parks’s bravery on that bus in Alabama 64 years ago changed American society forever.

It takes guts to be one of the first to stand up for change.

I know there are many of you here today who know exactly what I’m talking about.

But we can’t let this weaken our resolve. We must stand tall and let the world know that we care about our country, and that’s why we choose change.

We will not be guided by the fear that makes us stick with what we know. We will be guided by our hope for a better tomorrow.

My fellow South Africans, our hope in this country – our only hope – lies with the DA.

But in choosing the DA, I don’t expect anyone’s loyalty for life. I’m not even asking you to like the DA.

I’m only asking you to give change a chance.

I’m asking you to lend us your vote for the next five years. That’s it. Five years at a time.

When we reach the end of this period, judge us. See if we did the things we said we’d do.

If so, then lend us your vote again for another five years. But if we didn’t – if it turns out we broke our promises to you – then fire us again.

Your vote is your power, but only if you use it right.

Your vote cannot simply be an expression of who you are: your race, your language, your culture or your religion.

It has to be an expression of what you want for your country, for your future and for your children.

Your vote has to say: “I will not be abused by anyone, even if it is a party I love. I will not allow them to take away the future of my children. I will be brave and I will choose change.”

So I want to propose a deal today – a contract with you. In return for your vote, I pledge that a DA-led government will do these things:

We will put an end to the corruption that has ruined our country and betrayed our people. Any politician or official found guilty will go to jail for 15 years.

We will lift our failed economy back into real growth. Not the ANC’s best-case scenario of 1% or 1.5%, but proper, sustained growth that will create millions of jobs.

We will cut the size of the state, reduce the cabinet by half, and trim away all the luxuries that this ANC government has become used to, so that we can increase child grants to living grants.

The days of living like kings at the expense of the people will be over.

We will transform the South African Police Service into a well-trained, well-equipped and highly motivated crime fighting unit. People will be safe in their streets once more.

We will defend our Constitution against anyone who seeks to destroy it.

We will defend every right contained in it, for every single South African. Including the right to own property, as we have already done in Johannesburg, Tshwane and the Western Cape, where more people are now land owners under the DA.

We will uphold the Rule of Law. This means one set of laws for all.

No matter if you’re the president, the president’s son, a cabinet minister or a wealthy businessman or woman, if you commit a crime you will face the consequences.

Unlike this government who sends their guilty to parliament instead of jail. I say let’s use our votes to put them in prison, not parliament.

We will cherish the young people in our country and make it our top priority to give them a future worth living for.

This means fixing education, fighting drugs and gangs, and opening every possible door of opportunity for them.

And we will never, ever divide the people of this country and mobilise them against each other.

We will never return to the days of “us and them”. Our South Africa will be inclusive, unified and strong.

That’s my pledge to you. That’s my side of the contract. In return, I will need your vote.

This is not a popularity contest. It’s not a pageant. This about competence. I’m not asking you to marry me, I’m merely asking you to employ a government with a proven track record.

If I dishonour this contract, then you have every right to walk away from it. Then you have every right to fire the DA. But let us first prove to you that we can do this job.

Because I know we can. I have no doubt that the DA can turn South Africa around.

We have already done so wherever we’ve had the opportunity to put together a government and implement our policies.

Without fail, DA governments in towns, in metros and in provinces have proven that we are the only party that gets things done.

We are the only party that brings real, tangible change to people’s lives.

We are the only party committed to building capable and honest governments.

And we are the only party that can put a job in every home.

That is all that matters when you go to make your mark on Wednesday.

We have to choose change, or we will lose everything we once thought possible for our country.

I know this is hard for those who have only ever known one party. I was in that position too once. But looking back now, embracing change was the best thing I ever did.

We stand on the shoulders of those who turned against liberation movements and chose change.

I read a quote the other day that said: “Great things never come from comfort zones.”

We need to step out of our comfort zone if we want great things for our country.

We must look to the future when we make our choice on Wednesday.

We must think of our children when we make our choice on Wednesday.

But above all, we must be brave when we make our choice on Wednesday.

I’m not telling you it’s going to be easy. I’m telling you it’s going to be worth it.

Let us remove this ANC government in Gauteng.

Let us remove them in the Northern Cape.

We can even do so nationally if everyone who supports the DA turns out to vote.

Let’s go and write the first chapter of our new story.

Let’s use our democracy the way it was meant to be used.

Let’s vote for our hopes, not our fears.

Let us be brave and give change a chance. We must all turn out. All voters.

O dutse o phuthile matsoho.

Afrika, hayi hale!

O re o shebile dintho tsa mahala.

You gonna wait forever!

O phutile matsoho,

O shebile banna ha ba sebetsa,

We ma!

We cant now gare phute matsoho.

This is your moment.

Let us live and strive for freedom in South Africa our land!


BOKAMOSO | Tragic KZN floods are a call to action on climate breakdown

The tragic floods that have taken the lives of 85 people in KZN should not be seen in isolation. Together with the drought in the Western Cape, the wildfires on the Garden Route and the intense tropical cyclones Idai and Kenneth that have hit Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi, they are part of a bigger picture of climate breakdown.

They are red flags we ignore at our peril, dots we can’t afford not to join. It is no longer disputed that the growing intensity and frequency of these “natural” disasters is due to the increased levels of carbon in our atmosphere due to our over-reliance on fossil fuels. The resulting greenhouse effect is growing ever stronger, the effects ever more deadly.

The world’s leading climate scientists have warned we humans have only twelve years to avoid catastrophe. We have just a dozen years to limit average global warming to a maximum of 1.5C, beyond which further warming will trigger runaway climate breakdown from which there will be no coming back.

Urgent and unprecedented changes are needed at the systemic level. This is our only choice: change our systems or change our climate. Governments must take the lead in driving the system changes we need – both to minimise climate disruption and to build resilience into our water, energy, food and infrastructure systems.

SA has a massive carbon footprint relative to the size of our economy. This is largely because our electricity system is so reliant on coal, but also because our transport and other systems are so inefficient. There is much we can do to reduce it.

First and foremost, South Africa needs to rapidly move away from our current monopoly energy supply system to a market-based system. Independent power producers including small-scale producers such as households and businesses with solar panels must be allowed to feed power into the grid. And municipalities must be able to purchase power directly from producers.

The DA-run Western Cape government has enabled small-scale producers to generate their own electricity with solar panels in 22 municipalities, and in 18 of those, excess electricity can be sold back to the grid.

South Africa is blessed with much sunshine and good wind conditions, while the cost of renewable generation is plummeting. A diversity of power suppliers and sources would not just make our electricity cheaper and more reliable, but also cleaner, as more producers of renewable energy come on board.

Our transport system also needs a major overhaul. Rail transport is much more energy efficient than road transport and should play a far greater role in moving both passengers and freight. That means appointing honest, capable individuals to head up PRASA, Transnet and Metrorail services, as well as devolving more power to individual metros so that rail systems can be integrated with bus systems on a “single-ticket” basis.

In Cape Town alone, for example, the number of people using rail has dropped from 650 000 to just 250 000 in the past five years, with the result that road congestion and carbon emissions have soared.

Our packaging system must also be overhauled to drastically reduce the amount of carbon emitted. For example, compulsory refunds for glass and plastic containers would ensure that users return them for re-use or recycling.

At the same time as moving to less carbon-intensive systems, we must anticipate climate disruption and disaster and build the necessary resilience into our systems.

Despite three years of drought in the Western Cape, agriculture and agri-processing still managed to create 10 000 jobs since 2015. The provincial government’s online platform, Fruitlook, uses satellites to help farmers to optimise water usage by telling them exactly how much water their crops need. We have mapped 5.7 million hectares of farmland, including the entire fruit-producing area of 220 000 ha. Farmers have reported water savings of up to 30% by using Fruitlook.

We have also introduced a method of “Conservation Agriculture” for wheat farmers, with a 98% take-up in this sector. Wheat production is higher across the board despite the drought.

In both climate mitigation and adaptation, the opportunities to innovate, save, and restore are limitless, exciting and urgent. The imperative to act is not just economic and social but moral, because communities and countries with the lowest carbon emissions pay the highest prices.

Globally and locally, the impact of climate breakdown will be suffered unequally. As is so often the case, the poorest will suffer the most. Poor countries at the tropics will suffer the most severe effects of crop losses, destruction and displacement from changed climate and extreme weather events. Within countries, the poor will suffer more than the rich, who have more buffer against rising food prices and other impacts. Changing our systems so that we live sustainably on this planet will bring a better and fairer world. In the short time left to us to avoid runaway climate catastrophe, this change can only be brought about by government. On 8 May, a vote for the DA will be a vote for cleaner, more resilient systems

BOKAMOSO | Smaller parties: Why a vote for the DA packs more punch

The ANC’s total dominance of SA’s politics for a quarter of a century has become profoundly destructive to our national wellbeing. South Africa’s democracy needs a strong alternative. To achieve this, we need to reform our politics: we need to use our vote to promote our shared values rather than our personal identity.

The majority of South Africans are committed to the values on which all successful democracies are built: accountability, constitutionalism, the rule of law, nonracialism, a market-driven economy, and a capable state that delivers to all rather than to a connected elite. These are fundamental principles that millions of us hold in common, despite our differences on more granular issues.

If we can rise to the challenge of choosing values over identity, we can together build a strong alternative. This election has got to be about that. We simply do not have the luxury of tinkering around the margins of opposition politics right now, tailoring our vote to reflect our precise personal preferences or identity.

We are fighting for our future in a country that is fast becoming a failed state because of one-party dominance. Almost every aspect of our state is already in crisis. Another five years of rolling blackouts, spiraling prices, corruption, patronage politics, failed administration and socialist policy will be severely damaging.

The true test for any democracy is whether power can change peacefully at the ballot box. The challenge for South Africa is to fast arrive at this point, where the governing party is kept on their toes by the ever-present threat of losing power.

We cannot allow our country to fall prey to the entrenched single-party hegemony that continues to plague the African continent. The very founding values of our democracy are at stake. If we cannot hold rank failure and corruption to account, then can we really call ourselves a democracy at all?

So, we urgently need to build a strong counterweight to the ANC, to show that another way is possible. Voting for smaller parties right now is tantamount to rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic. Smaller parties will not stop our demise under the ANC and blurs our focus on the biggest threat to our democracy: one-party dominance.

Under normal circumstances, the plethora of parties – 48 on the national ballot paper alone – should be welcomed as a sign of a vibrant democracy replete with plentiful options for voters to express their individual preferences. But this is not a business-as-usual election; this is a fight for our survival. So 8 May must be about building a credible alternative government, not about creating a wide sprinkling of opposition parties on the fringe of our politics.

This means focusing on what we have in common, rather than on what divides us. Rather like a tug of war, we need to all pull together in the same direction to have maximum impact in our bid to save South Africa from the failing ANC.

The DA is a party for all South Africans – people from all walks of life are coming on board. It is a platform where people of diverse racial, religious, cultural and socio-economic backgrounds can come together around our broadly shared democratic values.

If every voter demanded to agree with every single one of a party’s policy positions, then we’d end up with a multitude of tiny parties hopelessly unable to challenge the ANC’s dominance. The only way to have real impact is to punch in the centre, and that is where the DA is located.

The ANC is flailing under the weight of its governing failures right now and running a disorganized, half-hearted campaign. It is entirely possible that they could be brought below 50%, especially in certain provinces.

The DA is the only party that can credibly lead an alternative government – whether it is a coalition government, a minority government or a full majority government. The party has the structures, momentum and governing experience to achieve real impact.

The DA has demonstrated it can lead a successful coalition government in SA. Forming coalitions in Cape Town (2006-2011), Johannesburg, Tshwane and Nelson Mandela Bay (2016-2018) enabled us to cut the channels of ANC patronage and corruption that had plagued these metros. Literally billions of rands of corrupt contracts were terminated.

Coalitions will enable South Africa to realign its politics away from one-party dominance. I want to make it clear that the DA will work in coalition with any other parties, groups or individuals that share our core values. And where required, we will consult with other parties, who may not share our core values, but share the grand goal of furthering democracy by removing the ANC from government.

Governing successes in Johannesburg and Tshwane prove that even minority coalitions can be extremely effective, if one party emerges as the clear leader.

On 8 May a vote for the DA will be a vote for a new government in a maturing democracy. It will be the strongest possible electoral response to the threat of one-party dominance in a failed state. It will be a vote for the democratic values on which we can build one united, prosperous South Africa for all.

BOKAMOSO | DA can win the fight against crime

If we South Africans are going to build a functional, peaceful society one thing is certain: it can only happen if everybody plays by the same rules. That means we need an honest, professional police force able to uphold our laws.

Lawlessness has become tightly woven into the fabric of our society. So much so that people have long since stopped hoping and believing they will ever feel really safe in South Africa.

Yet we can win the fight against crime. SAPS is in crisis, but the solutions are obvious. If we fix the fundamentals in SAPS, we can turn it into an honest, professional organisation that actually serves and protects South Africans.

The DA’s manifesto sets out our plan for fighting crime. We will overhaul SAPS to decentralize it and to fix the Four U’s: under-training, under-staffing, under-resourcing and under-equipping.

The DA is determined that responsibility for policing must be devolved to those provinces and cities that are up to the task. It is internationally accepted, and something of a no-brainer, that crime-fighting must be located as close to affected communities as possible.

The current one-size-fits-all approach where all important decisions are taken in Pretoria is inflexible and unresponsive to the specifics needs of each community. And it hinders the prospect for community-police teamwork that is so essential to effective crime-fighting.

Even though SAPS is 100% under the control of the national government, the DA has made good progress in achieving law and order where we govern. I can confidently say that the DA leads the best metro police forces in the country.

When Herman Mashaba became mayor of JHB metro in August 2016, one of the first things he did was to appoint an experienced, determined leader to run the Johannesburg Metro Police Department, in the form of MMC Michael Sun.

Two and a half years in, MMC Michael Sun has built a formidable law enforcement team to drive Mashaba’s programme of Buya Mthetho (bring back the law) aimed at building a culture of law and order in JHB.

The DA-led coalition government took the unprecedented step of recruiting an additional 1500 JMPD trainees. They are in the process of being trained and will graduate and join the JMPD by the end of 2019. This will double the JMPD to almost 3000 operational officers.

But even before it doubles in size, the JMPD has become an effective force, going well beyond its mandate of law enforcement, to fill in the crime-fighting vacuum left by a weak SAPS. So, they focus not just on traffic management and general by-law infringement, but also on drunk and reckless driving, vehicle hijacking, theft, unlicensed firearms, and possession of drugs.

JMPD has racked up some impressive achievements – and I can say this confidently, because they measure and report on everything. For example, they achieved a 28% reduction in fatal vehicle crashes in JHB metro this festive season compared to last festive season (63 in 2018/19 compared with 87 in 2017/18).

These are not just numbers. They amount to lives saved. Thanks to this 28% reduction in fatal car crashes, fatalities came down by 29%, from 103 to 73. This means 30 fewer people were killed this festive season than last.

Think about that for a minute: 30 fewer families lost loved ones – mothers, fathers, children – in Joburg this Christmas season. The DA-led coalition government is literally saving lives!

The JMPD has introduced a Whatsapp-based hotline, to enable effective teamwork with the community. And they have invested in an evidentiary breath alcohol testing (EBAT) machine, to improve the conviction rate for drunk driving, which is by far the most common recorded crime in JHB.

Slowly but surely, Buya Mthetho is coming true. JHB is becoming a dangerous place for criminals, rather than for innocent people. Just think how much faster this is going to happen once the JMPD doubles in size at the end of this year.

We’ve also proved ourselves in our other metros. Our longest track record is Cape Town, considered to run the best metro police in the country. With its “localise, professionalise, specialise” approach, the tiny metro force does its best to fill the huge voids created by a chronically understaffed SAPS in the metro, where deployment ratios are 1:560, compared to 1:369 nationally.

It focuses on crime hot-spots, using technology (CCTV cameras, ShotSpotter, and an ER system operational in all vehicles) and specialist teams to get maximum leverage from extremely scarce resources.

In Tshwane, the DA-led coalition government redirected a fleet of BMWs, purchased by the former government for politicians, to the anti-hijack team in Tshwane’s metro police.

NMB had no metro police force at all before the DA-led coalition took over in 2016. In just two years, we built a fully-trained 154 officer-strong force with 3 metro satellite police stations, 10 vehicles, a bicycle unit, a plainclothes (ghost) squad and a 24-hour manned call centre.

On 8 May, a vote for the DA will be a vote for effective policing and safer communities.

BOKAMOSO | Ramaphosa-Bosasa, Zuma-Gupta: same game, different players

With the National Prosecuting Authority as weak and incapacitated as it is after years of assault by the governing party, the State Capture Commission looks set to be a “Corruption TRC” when what we really need is a government clean-out. That’s why voting for the corruption-free DA on 8 May is such a crucial assault on corruption.

This week, President Ramaphosa’s son, Andile Ramaphosa, admitted that he received over R2 million from Bosasa as a monthly retainer fee starting in December 2017, the month his father was elected ANC president.

President Ramaphosa has admitted knowledge of this “business relationship” and has also admitted that Bosasa CEO Gavin Watson “donated” R500 000 towards his ANC presidential election campaign.

Let’s cut the quotation marks and call these payments what they really are: sweeteners and bribes.

There is no substantive difference between the nature of the Ramaphosa-Bosasa relationship and that of Zuma-Gupta. The Zuma-Gupta relationship had more time to play itself out and therefore involves the syphoning off of a lot more public money. But the difference is one of degree and timing, not of kind.

We’re watching the same game here, but with different players.

Bosasa is a company that has been bribing ANC politicians for the last two decades. Bosasa contracts with the ANC government total over R10 billion. The details of this corrupt relationship have been reported on in the media over the years, and much of the information was exposed in a detailed SIU report a decade ago.

Like Zuma-Gupta, the Ramaphosa-Bosasa relationship follows the standard ANC modus operandi: the ANC-in-government (e.g. Department of Correctional Services) gives lucrative tenders to the ANC-in-business (e.g. Bosasa) which in return funds the ANC-as-a-political-party (or one or both of its factions).

This has enabled an ANC-connected elite to enrich themselves while also entrenching their political power to facilitate ongoing elite enrichment. This is profoundly anti-democratic, deeply corrupt, and unequivocally against the public interest.

Former Bosasa chief operations officer Angelo Agrizzi yesterday told the State Capture Inquiry that Bosasa paid out an estimated R70 million in bribes between 2006 and 2016, and that he knows of large “donations” of R10 million and R12 million given to the ANC top six. It is simply inconceivable that the R500 000 “donation” to Ramaphosa wasn’t a bribe.

It is strongly in the national interest that President Cyril Ramaphosa appears before the Zondo Commission of Inquiry into State Capture before the national elections on 8 May 2019. I have this week written to Commission Chairperson Deputy Chief Justice Raymond Zondo to urge that he does so.

Our country faces severe crises on multiple fronts. South Africans have a critically important once-in-five-year opportunity to bring change. So we all need to know the full truth about the nature of the relationship between the Ramaphosa family and Bosasa. This information is integral to the decision we face and therefore integral to our nation’s future wellbeing.

President Ramaphosa’s actions in relation to these revelations are not those of a man with nothing to hide. On the contrary, he has ducked and dived in an attempt to gloss over or conceal the truth from Parliament, the media and the people of South Africa.

In an answer to my oral question in Parliament in November 2018, asking President Ramaphosa to explain the payment of R500 000 by Bosasa to his son, Ramaphosa claimed the payment was for consulting work rendered by his Andile to Bosasa, and that he had seen the contract himself.

This information turned out to be false and the R500 000 was in fact a “donation” (laundered bribe) to his CR17 campaign. This breach of the Executive Ethics Act led me to submit a complaint to the Public Protector.

More recently, when I have asked Ramaphosa further questions in Parliament, he has refused to answer them, on the grounds that the matter is being dealt with by the Public Protector. In doing so, he displays a blatant disregard for the constitutional oversight role of Parliament. That a matter is with the Public Protector does not in any way absolve him of his constitutional obligation to account to Parliament.

It should be extremely concerning to all of us that: Ramaphosa considers it acceptable for his son to receive money from a company notorious for conducting a deeply corrupt relationship with his party over the course of two decades; that he lied to Parliament; that his son has received over R2 million so far; and that he has used Zuma-style evasion tactics to avoid accountability.

We all need to know the full truth about the Ramaphosa-Bosasa relationship, and we need to know it before 8 May. Because the sooner we put an end to this system of corrupt elite enrichment, the sooner we can start building a South Africa where opportunities are open to all, rather than to the connected few

BOKAMOSO | Ramaphosa’s foreign policy direction points to a False Dawn

The hallmarks of South Africa’s foreign policy must be a deep commitment to human rights, democracy and free trade.

That requires the South African government to call out leaders who rig election results to acquire or retain power. It requires South Africa to speak out when ruling parties silence, detain or murder opposition politicians and activists, or use violence against civilians to create a climate of fear in order to suppress dissent.

This is not happening under President Ramaphosa. On Wednesday he visited Zimbabwe and treated Emerson Mnangagwa as the legitimate leader of Zimbabwe. I have no problem with Ramaphosa visiting Zimbabwe and being cordial towards Mnangagwa.

But he uttered not a word about the human rights atrocities – beatings, rape, murder, detention without trial – being perpetrated in Zimbabwe to suppress opposition to the ZANU-PF government. Not a word about the need to restore the rule of law, comply with the Constitution and respect human rights.

Mnangagwa came to power on the back of a military coup and a rigged election. His government rules Zimbabwe because it used force to acquire power and it is using force to retain power. Ramaphosa should use his position as SA President and SADC chair to stand with the people of Zimbabwe and call ZANU-PF out. Instead, he stood with Mnangagwa, seemingly happy to be in a brotherhood of Big Men leaders of liberation movements that are holding back Africa’s progress.

Millions of Zimbabwean families have been impoverished and torn apart by the parasitic, predatory politics of ZANU-PF’s political elite who’ve used their control of the armed forces to loot the country into oblivion. And yet Ramaphosa seems happy to support and legitimise this winner of a rigged election. Or, if this is his version of quiet diplomacy, it will fail as surely as Mbeki’s did in the early 2000s.

The ANC sent a delegation to Venezuela last week, to show support to Nicolas Maduro, another winner of a rigged election. Free and fair elections are a cornerstone of democratic societies. It is outrageous that the ANC would choose to support Maduro over the people of Venezuela.

South Africa now has a seat on the United Nations Security Council and therefoe an opportunity to show our values by the way we vote. Yet we were one of only three countries to vote against a US resolution before the UN Security Council to recognize Juan Guaido as interim President of Venezuela. (Venezuela’s Constitution allows for Guaido, who is President of the National Assembly, to become President of the country on an interim basis in order to facilitate new elections.)

Not only must South Africa’s foreign policy serve the interests of the citizens of other countries, it must also serve our own interests. The alliances we form must assist us to grow our economy so that we can put a job in every home and ensure fair access to opportunities.

Good relations with Israel offers a wealth of opportunity for trade and innovation (for example, in advanced water-saving technology), and yet South Africa is shunning Israel by downgrading its embassy there to a mere liaison office. This position is more about winning political support for the ANC than it is about promoting South Africa’s best interests.

Pursuing good relations with Israel doesn’t stop South Africa from calling Israel out on its treatment of Palestinians. In fact, keeping communication channels open is the most effective way for South Africa to play its part in bringing about a two-state solution. Instead, the ANC is using foreign policy to pursue a populist agenda.

South Africa is still stuck with the ANC’s old alliances as if the Berlin Wall is still up. We need to modernize our foreign policy and get it working for the benefit of all South Africans. Ramaphosa has been President for over a year and still our visa regime deters tourism, international and intracontinental trade, and the importation of scarce skills.

We need our foreign missions to act as trade offices. But instead of using them to promote trade, the ANC is still using them to dispense patronage. Cutting our number of diplomats will be a good start to reducing the size of our public sector wage bill.

A year into Ramaphosa’s presidency, SA’s foreign policy direction points to a False Dawn. Ramaphosa’s shielding and legitimizing of the ANC will prolong the suffering of South Africans just as his shielding and legitimizing of Mnangagwa and Maduro will prolong the suffering of the people of Zimbabwe and Venezuela.

On 8 May, a vote for the DA will be a vote for a modern, human rights based foreign policy that puts the interests of ordinary people over the interests of dictators and political elites.

BOKAMOSO | A decade of DA delivery in Western Cape shows what is possible under clean, capable government

Last week, we learnt from StatsSA that SA’s economic growth (0.8%) was below population growth (1.2%) in 2018. So the average South African got poorer for a fifth year in a row. This shows it is not enough to put a new driver into the old ANC bus.

South Africa needs to move beyond liberation movement politics and into a post-liberation era of clean, capable, citizen-centred government that can put a job in every home, eradicate corruption, build a professional police service, secure our borders and deliver better services.

On Saturday the DA launched its Gauteng Manifesto, our plan of action for how we will get Gauteng working. The province has massive potential. The DA has already proved itself in Johannesburg and Tshwane which accounted for 162 000 of the 172 000 new jobs created in Gauteng last year. And DA-led Midvaal, has sustained economic growth of 10% for over a decade, with the lowest unemployment in Gauteng.

We will build on our success in Gauteng by actively supporting small businesses and entrepreneurs through funding, innovation hubs and partnerships. We’ll make it easier to do business by cutting red tape and by revitalizing and expanding industrial parks. We’ll provide space for informal traders, pay suppliers on time, and support the development of new CBDs in Soweto, Tembisa and Mamelodi. And we’ll lobby for police competency to be given to the province, since a more local approach will be far more effective in fighting crime.

There is nothing inherently wrong with Gauteng or with our country. We just need clean, capable government. Over the past ten years of DA government in the Western Cape, the province has pulled far ahead of the other provinces precisely because it’s had clean, capable government.

Outgoing premier Helen Zille is the first to admit there is still much to be done. But the province has progressed despite bad policy at the national level. It now has a professional, capable administration that is well-positioned to accelerate delivery. Below this newsletter I’ve listed some highlights from Helen’s final State of the Province Address, and I’d like to thank her for her incredible contribution.

This impressive progress comes from putting citizens’ interests first and prioritizing the most vulnerable. They show that Western Cape citizens did well to place their trust in the DA.

The DA’s Western Cape Manifesto sets out how we will build on these achievements. We will work to secure the Western Cape’s power supply through Independent Power Producers, because we cannot rely on Eskom to keep the lights on. We will fight for a provincially managed rail service so that bus and train transport can be integrated. And we will fight for policing to be devolved to provinces (those provinces that have the capability), so that we can build a professional provincial police service.

On 8 May, please vote for clean, capable DA government that builds One South Africa for All.

Warm regards,

Mmusi Maimane

DA Leader


Highlights from Premier Helen’s Zille’s Western Cape State of the Province Address

  • At 23%, the Western Cape has SA’s lowest unemployment rate, a full 14 percentage points below the national average of 37% on the expanded definition.
  • 508 000 new jobs have been created in the WC since the start of the administration’s first term.
  • Employment in the Western Cape grew by 24.8% between 2009 and 2018, well ahead of Gauteng (18.6%) and KZN (8.8%), a result of the WC’s economic strategy – Project Khulisa.
  • We have South Africa’s lowest rural unemployment rate at 15.7%.
  • Success rate of land reform farms is 72%, compared to 10% success rate for SA as a whole.
  • Since 2009, 103 000 people have received title deeds across the Western Cape. We have brought the title deeds backlog down to 25%, compared to 59% nationally.
  • Achieved 83% clean audits this last financial year (2017/18). Gauteng came a distant second with 52%. WC achieved 0% clean audits before we took over in 2009.
  • 21 of the 30 clean municipal audits in SA are in the Western Cape. (Compared to 0 in 2009.)
  • Western Cape is consistently the top performing province on key indicators for matric pass rates. Since 2009:
    • the overall matric pass rate has increased from 75.7% to 81.5% in 2018
    •  the Bachelor pass rate has increased from 31.9% to 42.3% in 2018. The proportion of Bachelors passes in Quintiles 1 – 3 has more than doubled.
    • the maths pass rate has increased from 64.9% to 76% in 2018 o the Science pass rate increased from    52.9% to 79.5% in 2018.
  • The SACMEQ 4 report indicated that the Western Cape has an advanced reading score that is double the national average – 72.7% compared to 36.1% nationally. We were also well ahead of the 2nd ranked province, Gauteng, at 54%.
  • Our Retention Rate from Grades 10 – 12 is the highest in the country, at around 63% for the 2018 matric results. No other province managed to achieve a retention rate of over 50%.
  • WC consistently achieves the best health outcomes. Life expectancy is the highest in the country, supported by a functional public healthcare system.
  • Since the DA took office in 2009, life expectancy
    • for men has increased from 59 years to a projected 66 years
    • for women from 64 years to a projected 72 years.
  • WC has the highest percentage of households living within 30 minutes of their nearest health facility, at          91.5%, according to Stats SA’s General Household Survey 2016.
  • We have built on average 13 schools and 206 new classrooms for every year in office since 2009. This amounts to 132 schools and close to 2,057 classrooms over two terms.
  • WCPG reached its target of full broadband coverage to a total of 1,875 public sites, including over 1,200 schools, over 200 libraries and approximately 400 other public facilities.
  • Over 95% of all kilometres travelled in the Western Cape are on roads in a fair to very good condition – you can literally feel and see the difference when driving into the province.
  • Since 2009, we have delivered 212 967 housing opportunities across the Western Cape. A total of 105 000 housing opportunities are in the pipeline for completion by 2022 as part of our Catalytic projects, which are at various stages of construction, design and planning.
  • 22 WC municipalities have in place the necessary systems to accept Rooftop PV power into their grids – and 18 of these municipalities have approved tariffs in place so consumers can be compensated for electricity they feed back into the grid.
  • 2018 Ratings Afrika rated Western Cape municipalities the best in the country, with a combined average rating of 62% compared to the national average of 41%.
  • Municipal IQ found that a total of 8 out of top 10 municipalities in the national Municipal Productivity index are in the Western Cape.