Parliament must reconvene urgently

Please find attached a soundbite by John Steenhuisen MP.

I have today written to the Speaker of the National Assembly, Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, calling for Parliament to reconvene.

It is inconceivable that Parliament is shut during this time of national crisis. It should be meeting around the clock to find solutions to the multiple crises hitting our nation simultaneously at a time when households and businesses are already battling to recover from two years of destructive lockdown.

Stage 6 load-shedding, the fuel price crisis, the cost-of-living crisis, the Phala Phala scandal, unemployment, and the state’s seeming inability or unwillingness to tackle growing lawlessness are causing immense unnecessary economic damage and human suffering, risking full-blown anarchy.

Parliament needs to reconvene immediately so that we can tackle these problems with the urgency they require. This is even more critical since President Ramaphosa seems to be missing in action, or simply unwilling to speak to the nation about the state it is in and reassure people that action is being taken.

It is sanity-straining that two cabinets, the official bloated one of 68 ministers and deputy ministers and also President Ramaphosa’s parallel cabinet comprising scores of task teams, advisors and commissions, both of which are funded entirely by the people of South Africa, appear to be wholly unable to implement the wide array of very obvious solutions that would bring immense relief to the nation and the economy.

The Constitution tasks Parliament, as an independent democratic institution, to protect and promote the national interest by holding the executive to account and by debating and finding solutions to the main problems we face as a nation.

The more the executive fails, the more crucial it is that Parliament steps up to the plate with solutions and oversight. This is especially so when the President himself appears to have forsaken the nation.

It has now been ten days since I wrote to Mapisa-Nqakula requesting that she urgently establish an ad-hoc committee to investigate the Phala Phala robbery scandal which implicates President Ramaphosa in an array of serious crimes from money laundering to bribery to the abuse of public funds for private gain. Yet still no action has been taken.

Then Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng delivered Parliament a firm rebuke for its dereliction of duty in failing to hold former President Zuma to account in the Nkandla scandal. It is critical that the Speaker demonstrates Parliament’s commitment to its Constitutional duty and the oath of office that each of its members swore, by establishing an ad hoc committee to investigate the Phala Phala scandal.

Mapisa-Nqakula’s clear reluctance to hold President Ramaphosa to account suggests Parliament is falling into the exact trap Chief Justice Zondo warned about in his State Capture report, protecting the executive from the people of South Africa, rather than the other way around as is its constitutional duty.

The DA cares deeply about South Africa and the plight that millions of vulnerable South Africans are in. We will not shy from our constitutional duty to hold the government to account. We have offered solutions to all the problems besetting our nation, and where we govern we are doing what we can with limited mandate and budget to step in where national government is failing.

DA’s response to the electricity crisis

Let’s be clear about what has caused Stage 6 load-shedding. A small group of illegally striking workers is putting their own interests ahead of those of the nation by blocking work at Eskom until their demands for higher salaries are met.

Their actions are destroying jobs and businesses, scaring away investment, making communities more dangerous, causing huge inconvenience for people, destroying private appliances and public infrastructure, and impacting service delivery.

This unlawful strike action is especially unconscionable since Eskom has 41 000 employees yet needs fewer than 16 000 for the amount of power it currently generates, according to global norms. And these 41 000 workers already earn an average salary of around R700 000 per year excluding benefits, yet the call is for above inflation increases even as their actions plunge even more people into unemployment.

But make no mistake. This is just the straw breaking the camel’s back. The real problem is insufficient power supply due to failure to build new supply capacity, lack of maintenance, over-regulation of the energy sector, and lack of strategic planning, all at the hands of deployed cadres and socialist ideologues.

This has rendered South Africa’s electricity system terribly vulnerable. The threats feed off each other. The less supply we have, the easier it is for specific interest groups to use sabotage to get what they want. The more sabotage, the less supply we have.

DA’s plan to end load-shedding

It is incredibly frustrating being in opposition and seeing the country plunged into darkness and despair, knowing that solutions exist, knowing the situation calls for urgent action, knowing the human suffering and economic damage is avoidable.

The frustration is all the greater because the DA has been pointing out root-cause problems, issuing warnings, and offering solutions for many years now, most importantly calling for an open energy market and an end to cadre deployment. Crises like this don’t appear unheralded.

More recently we have put a plan on the table that charts South Africa’s quickest route out of the crisis and to reliable, cheaper, cleaner electricity.

Replace energy minister Gwede Mantashe with an individual who grasps the urgent need to open the energy market and act firmly against saboteurs.

Declare a state of disaster in the electricity sector and thereby suspend all bureaucratic obstacles blocking businesses, organisations, municipalities and households from producing, buying and/or selling energy.

We need to make it easy and attractive for independent power producers to bring new power to the grid at scale and in the shortest possible time. It is inconceivable that in this crisis, the state is blocking them from doing so with cumbersome, irrational regulations.

For example, government’s localization requirement for renewable energy projects demands that 30% of all inputs are sourced locally. When your house is burning and someone is offering to put out the fire, it makes no sense to delay action with a list of petty, irrational demands, like insisting that 30% of the water must come from a specific dam.

The social value of decentralizing our energy market cannot be overstated. It’s not just that private power production is currently our only route out of load-shedding. Decentralising and diversifying our energy sources also builds resilience and flexibility into the system, leaving us less vulnerable to future breakdowns or sabotage. Nature generates energy in this decentralized way and so should we.

The state of disaster should also be used to waive BEE requirements, so that Eskom can follow the most cost-efficient procurement processes to keep electricity prices as low as possible and processes as streamlined as possible.

Arrest, prosecute and fire those Eskom employees who break the law. The unreasonable demands of Eskom employees for even higher salaries should not prevail over the needs of the country and economy at large.

Far from tolerating unlawful behaviour and entertaining unreasonable demands, the state should be enabling a drastic reduction of Eskom’s wage bill, with serious consequences for those who seek to sabotage the system. It is deeply unfair to expect over 30 million South Africans living below the poverty line to sponsor inflated salaries for Eskom staff while enduring blackouts and joblessness.

Declare power stations and their immediate surroundings security zones. Deploy adequate law enforcement and arrest and prosecute trespassers.

Where the DA governs

A DA national government will act urgently and firmly to end load-shedding in the shortest possible time. We will not allow narrow interests to prevail over the common good. Meantime, DA governments are doing what they can to protect citizens from load-shedding.

In May, DA Mayor of Johannesburg Dr Mpho Phalatse convened a major energy indaba to start the process of bringing on board independent power producers. And on 1 July, her multi-party coalition’s budget for the 2022/23 financial year kicked in, beginning the rollout of a R1.6 billion capital investment to upgrade and stabilise the City’s power network to avert the possibility of further breakdowns caused by Eskom’s load-shedding.

Ekurhuleni’s DA-led multi-party coalition earlier this year appointed 47 private power producers to build and sell electricity direct to the city from 2024 onwards. To finance the replacement and expansion of backbone infrastructure at a rate of at least 10km of cables per year, the City has committed to a 40% increase in capital expenditure in the next financial year and an average 12% thereafter.

The DA-run City of Cape Town is using its Steenbras Hydro Electric System to protect City residents from two stages of load-shedding. It is also pushing as hard as it can to end the City’s reliance on Eskom. (The City also last week kicked off its feasibility study on taking over the management of passenger rail from National Government.)

The DA-run Western Cape Department of Health has installed back-up generators in most hospitals, sparing them from rolling blackouts. This means that quality healthcare can continue without interruption. Many lives literally rely on this.

In 2024, a DA-led national government will act urgently and firmly to end load-shedding within two years. We care deeply, and are determined to build a resilient, prosperous South Africa.

South African cities see rising poverty and unemployment; Cape Town bucks trend

English audio clip attached.

The South African Cities Network’s report on the State of South African Cities in 2021 has demonstrated in clear terms that South Africa’s local government’s are in dire straits, with “unacceptably high” unemployment figures in many metros. However, the City of Cape Town has bucked the trend, and leads the way in several key indicators.

The report, which is published annually, found that Cape Town had the highest life expectancy of South Africa’s cities, with woman living to 71 and men to 65.6 on average. Cape Town also claims the country’s lowest metropolitan unemployment rate, and contributes R287 billion to the national economy. Additionally, the city has a high level of service delivery, with electricity delivered to 98.6% of households, basic water supply to 95.9%, and municipal refuse removal to 89.7%. This is in stark contrast to several other metropolitan districts, with Nelson Mandela Bay claiming the country’s highest unemployment figure – an astonishing 35.7%.

These results come soon after the release of the Auditor General’s municipal audit outcomes for the 2020/2021 financial year, which found that only 41 municipalities in South Africa had received clean audits, with more than half of these being found in the DA-led Western Cape.

Reacting to the report, DA Western Cape Spokesperson on Local Government Derrick America said: “It is heartbreaking to see our country’s municipalities and cities succumbing to a continuous tide of corruption and maladministration. While it is heartening to note that the DA has managed to turn things around in the Western Cape, we are fast approaching a point at which many localities will be unable to render even the most basic of services to their residents. While there is always room for improvement, I urge leaders throughout the country to look to the Western Cape’s example of clean, citizen-orientated governance before it is too late.”

DA protests against draconian BELA Bill, demands Lesufi denounce Bill

Please find attached English soundbite by Baxolile ‘Bax’ Nodada MP, and Afrikaans soundbite by Desiree van der Walt MP, as well as pictures here, here, here, here and here.

Today, the DA protested against the draconian Basic Education Laws Amendment (BELA) Bill and handed a memorandum to the office of the Gauteng MEC of Education, Panyaza Lesufi.

The DA has numerous concerns with the BELA Bill, as outlined in our formal submissions to the parliamentary portfolio committee on basic education.

The Bill, and the ‘Lesufi clauses’ in particular, seeks to disempower school governing bodies (SGBs) by removing their power to ultimately decide their schools’ language and admissions policies. It further fails to address the effective regulation of blended and online learning; fails to engage properly with the home schooling sector to determine accountability measures to ensure quality education; and fails to take into account the financial, human resources and infrastructure impacts of compulsory grade R education.

The DA demands that:

  • Lesufi publicly retract his support for the BELA Bill;
  • Lesufi must put pressure on the Department of Basic Education, and the Minister of Basic Education, Angie Motshekga, to withdraw the Bill from Parliament;
  • Lesufi must publicly denounce and distances himself from the BELA Bill, in particular clauses 4 and clause 5 which aims to take power away from parents on language and admission policies;
  • Lesufi must publicly retract and apologise for his attack on single medium- and mother tongue education;
  • Lesufi must publicly retract and apologises for his attack, racialisation, and stigmatisation of especially Afrikaans as an indigenous language;
  • Lesufi must publicly retract his attack on Afrikaans as a language, which is spoken as a first language by 77% of the coloured population; and
  • Lesufi must recognise democratic processes and hear the voices of millions of South Africans who are opposed to this Bill.

The DA will do everything in our power to ensure that children are empowered through empowering their SGBs. All children deserve quality education. It is time Lesufi, Minister Motshekga and her Department focused on addressing the serious concerns plaguing the basic education sector instead of trying to centralise power and bully schools and SGBs that want the best for their children and communities.

The Department must address the following serious concerns:

  • The sector is facing high learner drop-out rates;
  • Infrastructure is dilapidated with too many mud and asbestos buildings and pit toilets remaining; and
  • Poor quality teaching due to the unions’ strangle hold.

We call on the public to submit their concerns in writing to Llewellyn Brown, the secretary of the parliamentary portfolio committee via email to or online at or via WhatsApp: +27 60 550 9848 by no later than 15 August 2022 at 16:00.

FUEL PRICE INCREASE: DA presents Fuel Price Deregulation Bill to Parliament

Please find attached a soundbite by Kevin Mileham MP.

Today, in the wake of another massive fuel price increase, the DA has handed in our Fuel Price Deregulation Bill to Parliament for processing by Parliament’s Legal Services. This groundbreaking bill will seek to amend the Petroleum Products Act, which gives government the power to prescribe the price of petroleum products.

We intend to publish our ‘Notice of Intention to Introduce’ in the Government Gazette later this week, within which the public will be invited to provide comment on the stated aims of our Bill.

Now the ball is firmly in the ANC government’s court and it has the chance to do the right thing. The success or failure of regulating the fuel price, now rests with the ANC in Parliament.

Given that South Africans will wake up to another hefty fuel price increase that will take the fuel price well beyond R25 a litre on Wednesday, the primary objective of the Bill is to deregulate the fuel sector to increase competition in fuel price setting at both the wholesale and retail level, which will result in lower petrol prices for consumers, as retailers compete to win customers based on price levels.

The Bill does this primarily through the removal of Section 2 of the Petroleum Products Act. The Bill also amends section 2(1)(d) to allow for businesses to implement creative methods of trading which may result in reduced petroleum prices.

We are taking the possibility of collusion and the abuse of dominant market positions seriously. The Competition Commission will be tasked with keeping a close eye on the fuel price market. Should any anti-competitive practices be determined, swift investigation and remedial action will follow.

Most consumers spending a significant part of their salaries on ever-increasing transport, and the frequent fuel price increases are leaving many with little to spend on the equally expensive basic food basket. South Africa’s high fuel prices are a consequence of government mandated fuel price controls that have killed competition and failed to deliver efficient cost-reflective prices.

The tragedy of high fuel prices is that their knock-on effects will hit the poorest the hardest at a time when they are already struggling under the consequences of 46% unemployment, loadshedding, soaring global inflation driven by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and a State increasingly unable to deliver on even its most basic mandate.

The regulated fuel price system is rigged against the South African consumer. The average fuel price is composed of at least seven levies that combine to make our fuel one of the most expensive in the region when compared to countries such as Botswana, who happen to get most of their fuel supplies from South Africa.

Independent estimates indicate that costs and profits at the wholesale, transport, and retail levels account for about 20% of the fuel price. This is unsustainable if South Africa is to have a competitive fuel market and fuel price system that protects consumers from exorbitant increases.

Agriculture Minister must intervene in Potch College of Agriculture’s decline

Please find attached soundbite by Noko Masipa MP, as well as pictures here, here, here, here, here and here.

The DA has written to the Minister of Agriculture, Land Reform and Rural Development, Thoko Didiza, to seek answers regarding the neglect of the Potchefstroom College of Agriculture and the unhealthy status of their cattle.

The DA’s oversight on Friday confirms the recent reports showing dilapidated buildings and unhealthy-looking cattle on the premises of the college. It is totally unacceptable for any agricultural college to allow their buildings to deteriorate to that level and to neglect their animals.

Colleges and agriculture schools teach students how to take care of animals and the land. Furthermore, agricultural colleges are where students are taught how the maintenance of infrastructure on farms, including sheds and buildings for animals and packaging of produce on the farm are done or conducted.

Unfortunately, the state of the college indicates that its quality of education cannot be trusted. It is no wonder there are so many unemployed graduates from the agriculture colleges if this is what they’re exposed to.

The DA has asked the Minister:

  • To explain the college’s deterioration and the animals’ unhealthy condition;
  • For a detailed budget breakdown of the upkeep of the movable and non-movable assets owned by all the agriculture colleges and their values because is important that all assets are maintained or replaced using budget allocation; and
  • The standard maintenance protocol required by all agricultural colleges in order to maintain their teaching license.

At least the Western Cape Elsenburg College of Agriculture’s land and infrastructure (movable and non-movable) are in good condition and provide the students with great exposure to practice how to apply their theoretical knowledge once placed on farms. Because of the already existing strong collaboration between the Western Cape Department of Agriculture and agribusiness, the theory gained in class empowers students to effectively apply themselves during their internships on farms.

All South Africa’s agriculture students deserve the same high quality education. Agriculture is crucial to both food security and economic development. Government must ensure that the future generations of farmers are well-equipped for their vital tasks.

ANC defies Zondo Commission by opposing DA court case to abolish cadre deployment

Please find attached a soundbite by Dr Leon Schreiber MP.

Less than a week after ANC national chairperson, Gwede Mantashe, launched a verbal attack against the State Capture Commission’s vindication of the DA’s long-held stance that cadre deployment is unconstitutional and unlawful, the entire ANC has agreed with him by formally choosing to defy Chief Justice Zondo’s recommendation that this practice be abolished.

As recently as January 8, ANC president and former cadre deployment committee chairperson, Cyril Ramaphosa, still pledged that “the ANC will support government in effecting the measures required to eliminate conditions and conduct that enable state capture and systemic corruption.” However, now that the State Capture Commission has directly implicated Ramaphosa and his cadre deployment committee in creating “conditions and conduct that enable state capture and systemic corruption,” Ramaphosa’s ANC has undertaken a treasonous about-turn.

The DA can reveal that the ANC has filed court papers to oppose our court case that seeks to have cadre deployment outlawed and abolished in the North Gauteng High Court. We received official notification of this decision on 1 July from the ANC’s attorney, Krish Naidoo.

Given that the DA’s case against ANC cadre deployment (see the court papers here and here) is built on exactly the same constitutional and legal foundation as the State Capture Commission’s finding that this practice is unconstitutional and violates the Public Service Act, the ANC’s desperate decision to continue defending cadre deployment corruption in court amounts to open defiance of the Commission’s findings.

If the ANC were in any way committed to “effecting the measures required to eliminate conditions and conduct that enable state capture and systemic corruption,” the party would have supported the DA’s case to proceed unopposed so that South Africa could be freed from cadre deployment corruption as soon as possible.

Instead, as they have done so many times before, Ramaphosa, Mantashe and the ANC have treasonously put party before country.

Fortunately, the DA has always anticipated that the ANC, an organised crime syndicate for whom cadre deployment is the single most important mechanism to capture and corrupt the state, would choose its own corrupt interests over the needs of the country even if that meant defying the Zondo Commission.

That is precisely why we launched our court action against cadre deployment in advance of the release of the final volume of the Zondo Commission’s report. We have anticipated all along that the ANC would never voluntarily end cadre deployment corruption, and that it would ultimately be up to the DA to force the implementation of the Zondo Commission’s findings.

The DA is more than ready for this historic task. As far back as March 2000, the DA’s predecessor party warned in a discussion paper entitled “All Power to the Party” that the ANC planned to use cadre deployment to “eliminate the distinction between party and state and extend its hegemony over civil society.” Two decades later, the Zondo Commission has confirmed that this practice culminated in state capture that, by some estimates, cost our country over R1.5 trillion between 2014 and 2019 alone.

Following the creation of the State Capture Commission in 2018, the DA redoubled our efforts to use this opportunity to outlaw and uproot cadre deployment corruption. We wrote close to a dozen different letters to the State Capture Commission, encouraging it to investigate cadre deployment as the foundation of state capture.

We publicly exposed minutes of the ANC’s national cadre deployment committee for the period between 2018 and 2021, which showed how state capture continues unabated under the Ramaphosa administration, and we launched an ongoing court case to force the ANC to make public minutes and all other records from the period between 2013 and 2018 when Ramaphosa personally chaired the cadre committee.

Last year, the DA submitted our End Cadre Deployment Bill to Parliament, which would ensure merit-based appointments throughout the public administration and make it a criminal offence for the ANC to interfere in appointment processes through cadre deployment. Parliament it likely to vote on this vitally important Bill before the end of 2022.

All of this careful work over the past years is designed to culminate in a DA court victory that declares ANC cadre deployment unconstitutional and illegal. A DA victory in this case will constitute the single biggest breakthrough against systemic corruption in the history of democratic South Africa. The DA’s case against ANC cadre deployment corruption is the case of the century.

Although the ANC’s treasonous decision to defy the Zondo Commission by opposing our case against cadre deployment may somewhat delay our ultimate victory in court, there is simply nothing that will stop the DA from seeing this war against corruption through to the very end. We have been waging this battle for over 20 years, and a few extra months in court will not deter us.

While the ANC is clearly desperately looking for a way to protect the criminal syndicate it nurtures through cadre deployment, the DA will proudly keep fighting to free the people of South Africa from ANC corruption.

Magashule’s Free State Operation Hlasela flagship project sinks

Please find attached soundbite by Dr Roy Jankielsohn, see pictures here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, and here

What was hailed as the Operation Hlasela flagship project by former Free State Premier Ace Magashule, has finally sunk.

An oversight visit to the approximately R150 million Diyatalawa Agri-Village project between Harrismith and Kestell in the Free State province has exposed the final destruction of the project. Residents at the village have reverted to trying to survive on what could be scavenged for scrap metal. All the dairy and beef cattle bought by government over many years have been sold or eaten and the orchards are abandoned and dead. A bare skeleton of a once fully equipped dairy parlour remains, and the shed is empty of the farming equipment and vehicles it once housed.

While some people still reside in the 50 houses built for the beneficiary families, and a school and crèche are still functional, the hopes and dreams of an agricultural livelihood outside of poverty are shattered. The few crops planted for them by the government sponsored Mokgolokoeng Farmer Production Support Unit cannot sustain those left, and current input costs such as fuel will make further planting of crops unsustainable.

Former President Jacob Zuma launched the Comprehensive Rural Development Project (CRDP) in 2009 and Diyatalawa was identified as one of the pilot sites for the project due to the extreme poverty of people living there. The CRDP was government’s socialist response to poverty and food insecurity, land redistribution, and the creation of business opportunities for rural women, youth and people with disabilities. Zuma visited Diyatalawa in 2011 and the project was meant to be part of the obviously failed Siyahlola Presidential Monitoring Programme.

Like most other agricultural projects in the Free State, this project has been used, similar to the Vrede Dairy Project, as a financial extraction vehicle to inflate prices and loot at the expense of the beneficiaries. This included the construction of infrastructure that included a small guard house and gate at the cost of R600 000, cattle that were paid for with the sickly animals delivered and an apple orchard on which R10 million was spent with both the expenditure and production being fruitless.

The DA in the Free State legislature exposed the failure of collectivist projects as poor business models and vehicles for corruption over many years. It is only now that money is tight and the effects of corruption on poor people is eventually becoming a focus of public interest that the Free State Department of Agriculture have started to acknowledge the failure of the ideologically-based communist models.

The DA in the Free State believe that the only land reform models that will work are share equity schemes in existing viable enterprises or investment and training in family-based agricultural production units.

More than R600k and 15 years later, government fails to deliver FMD factory

15 years after the first financial allocation was made by Treasury for a foot and mouth disease (FMD) vaccine factory, the Department of Agriculture, Land Reform and Rural Development (DALLRD) has yet to dig a single trench to lay the foundation.

In answer to a parliamentary question from the DA, the Minister of Agriculture, Land Reform and Rural Development, Thoko Didiza, revealed that despite the first financial allocation of R214 million by the National Treasury to DALLRD in 2007/08 to build the FMD facility, no progress has been made. This is despite an additional allocation of R400 million in 2019/20. In fact, the project is only at the stage of appointing service providers.

Whilst the explanation provided make scientific sense, taking the necessary care to ensure compliance with international standards should not take more than a decade.

Due to the delay and the numerous outbreaks of FMD through the years, South Africa lost its FMD-free status from the World Organization for Animal Health (OIE) in 2019. On April 11, Minister Didiza announced that South Africa was yet again battling the disease with 56 outbreaks of FMD.

FMD outbreaks has also cost the economy jobs and billions of rands. According to StatsSA, the sale of cattle and their products accounts for 16% of the total commercial agriculture revenue.

It is unfathomable that DALRRD has not made haste with this project. FMD is endemic in African buffalo in the Kruger National Park (KNP) and the Park as well as the surrounding areas are declared a FMD controlled zone. This is why the vaccine facility was endorsed when first proposed and had money allocated to it. It seems that DALRRD has become complacent and has forgotten the dangers of FMD.

The DA is calling for an investigation into the root cause of the delay, which will surely be revealed to be either complete ineptitude or cadre deployment and corruption. It is time the Department rid itself of corrupt cadres putting DALLRD’s food security mandate at risk.

National Police Commissioner should take command of SAPS operations at Eskom

Please find attached a soundbite by Ghaleb Cachalia MP.

National Police Commissioner, General Masemola, should actively take operational command of SAPS operations to restore law and order at Eskom power stations. Acts of intimidation have reportedly not deescalated but have continued to fester, which has contributed to Eskom retaining stage 6 loadshedding.

The assurance that General Masemola gave the DA on Tuesday, on the activation of NATJOINTS to deal with illegal disruption at Eskom power stations, appears to be at odds with continued acts of intimidation that have led to an extension of Stage 6 loadshedding,

Responding to a DA letter sent to him on Monday, General Masemola, assured us “NATJOINTS has already been activated and ESKOM is receiving the required support.” With the security situation at Eskom power stations not showing any signs of improvement, General Masemola must now take charge and lead the execution of the SAPS tactical response plan.

The first priority should be to declare the power stations, and their immediate surrounding areas, as security zones. Any unauthorised individual who breaches this zone should be arrested for criminal trespassing.

Labour unions, NUM and NUMSA, must not be allowed to hold the country hostage through a criminal interference with the proper functioning of vital power generation plants. Eskom workers who want to work must be allowed to do so without fear of intimidation.

The DA believes that the actions recommended above should be a precursor to declaring a state of disaster around Eskom which would allow for suitably monitored additional interventions to secure and augment the utility’s generation capacity.